The unsaid in ethnographies about Brazilians in Ireland: euphemisms and displacements of race

ABSTRACT

This article explores the impact of different racial orders on Brazilian migratory processes. It focuses on the experiences of Brazilians in Ireland, based on data from an ethnography conducted in the first half of 2022. The text compares this situation with two other instances of “shuffling of racial orders”: Brazilian immigrants in Porto in 2000 and refugees in Brazil over the last decade. These three sets of research exemplify how migration is influenced by and impacts different racial orders, with significant implications for the daily lives of immigrants. The article argues that existing literature on Brazilian immigrants in Ireland fails to recognise a marked contrast between the experiences of those with work visas and those with student visas, with a racial inversion in the labour market that tends to favour black Brazilian immigrants with work visas over white immigrants with study visas who often have more years of schooling.

KEYWORDS:
Brazilian migration; racial orders; Ireland; labour market

RESUMO

O objetivo deste artigo é destacar algumas consequências do embaralhamento de ordens raciais diferentes nos processos migratórios brasileiros. Focado na experiência de brasileiros na Irlanda, a partir de dados de uma etnografia conduzida na primeira metade de 2022, o texto é construído a partir de uma perspectiva comparativa com duas outras situações de “embaralhamento de ordens raciais” que envolvem, em um dos casos, os imigrantes brasileiros no Porto no ano de 2000, e, em outro, os refugiados no Brasil ao longo da última década. Esses dois conjuntos de pesquisa são articulados para exemplificar como as migrações impactam ordens raciais diversas e são por elas impactadas, com implicações na vida cotidiana dos imigrantes. Assim, num processo gradual, vamos construir o argumento de como os imigrantes brasileiros hoje em dia são descritos na bibliografia sobre o tema sem uma preocupação com as questões raciais. Isso implica deixar de perceber um contraste marcante entre a experiência de brasileiros com visto de trabalho e visto de estudante, com destaque para uma inversão racial na esfera do mercado de trabalho, que tende a favorecer os imigrantes pretos e pardos com visto de trabalho em relação aos imigrantes com visto de estudo, em geral brancos e com formação maior em anos de estudo.

PALAVRAS-CHAVE:
Emigração brasileira; ordens raciais; Irlanda; mercado de trabalho

Introduction

This article highlights some consequences of different racial order shuffling in Brazilian migratory processes. Focussing on the experience of Brazilians in Ireland, based on data from an ethnography conducted in the first half of 2022, the text is constructed from a comparative perspective with two other situations of “shuffling of racial orders” involving, in one case, Brazilian immigrants in Porto in 2000 and, in the other, refugees in Brazil over the last decade. We articulated these three sets of research to exemplify how migrations impact and are impacted by different racial orders, with implications for the daily lives of immigrants. Thus, gradually, we will build an argument about how the literature on Brazilian immigrants today describes the subject without concern for racial issues. This literature fails to notice a marked contrast between the experience of Brazilians with work visas and student visas, with emphasis on a racial inversion in the sphere of the labour market that tends to favour black and brown immigrants with work visas over immigrants with study visas, who are generally white and have more years of schooling.

1. Brazilians in Porto

In our doctoral research on Brazilian immigrants in Portugal (Machado, 2009), at the turn of the 20th to the 21st century, Brazilians were not yet the main immigrant population in Portugal. In the last 15 years, however, the Brazilian community has become the largest immigrant community in that country. Of all the discussions in the thesis, we specifically highlight one issue that is quite important and that has similarities with the experiences of Brazilians in Ireland today. In the fieldwork among Brazilians in Porto, there were intersecting racial systems. All social systems produce racial orders and hierarchies (Grosfoguel & Georas, 2000; Machado, 2004), and everyone who experiences them has introjected devices for understanding relationships based on apprehensions about racial categories, most of the time unconsciously (Guimarães, 2008).

In Portugal, society’s racial orders are complex and multifaceted. While there are variations within the Portuguese State depending on the location, it is possible to generalise these racial orders, which are deeply rooted in Portuguese Imperial history (Castelo, 1998). Brazilian immigration brought with it racial imaginations shaped by their experiences in Brazil. However, upon arrival, immigrants encountered different racial orders in Portugal. This intersection of different racial orders adds a layer of complexity to the study of racial dynamics.

The thesis sought to analyse this interplay between different racial orders: those produced by immigrants and those native to the Portuguese State. Thus, the work sought to study the configurations of the racial hierarchies of Portuguese populations, understanding the constitution of racial orders. A significant source of ideas about racial orders in Portugal is Imperial history, especially the Imperial history of the Third Empire, which took place in Africa in the 19th and 20th centuries. In other words, the history of the Empire in Mozambique, São Tomé, Cape Verde, Guinea-Bissau and Angola, in which, from the 1950s onwards, specific Brazilian racial constructions, especially intellectual ones, had a considerable impact: we are talking about Gilberto Freyre’s theory of miscegenation.

The Salazarist Portuguese state incorporated racial democracy ideology to justify Portuguese Imperial domination in Africa (Alexandre & Dias, 1998). The idea was that Portugal would do with Africa what it had done with Brazil. Brazil was evidence of Portugal’s “colonial success” and appeared as the “older brother” of the Africans. The idea was that Africans would “naturally” move towards Brazil due to Portuguese colonisation (Rosas, 2001; Pinto, 2009).

These discourses greatly impacted Portuguese consciousness since they were massively disseminated in school texts and imperial propaganda (Castelo, 1998; Vale de Almeida, 2005). People learnt this story that Brazil was an example for Africa, and this incorporated a racial hierarchy, an idea that there were white European Portuguese, black Africans and Brazil as a cross between the two groups. Mestizo Brazil, miscegenated Brazil (Pinto, 2009). In this Portuguese-imagined racial order, Brazilians had a particular place. Portuguese society incorporated Brazilian immigrants into the labour market based on this idea.¹ Along with this racial imagination, there are a series of prejudices and stereotypes about Brazilians that we have analysed elsewhere (Machado, 2009). However, the idea that Brazilians were especially happy, cheerful, friendly and servile will have implications, for example, in the imagination of the prostitution of Brazilian women that brings much suffering to Brazilians who are migrating to Portugal (Pontes, 2004) or in other contexts of Brazilian immigration (Piscitelli, 2007). However, this imagination of a kind of natural Brazilian joy led Brazilians to jobs, i.e. the idea that Brazilians were especially suited to being shop assistants and servers. The suggestion that they had a natural friendliness created a labour market imagined in stereotypes and racial orders.

This ideal Brazilian was a mestizo Brazilian for the Portuguese employer, imagined based on Portuguese cultural orders (Machado, 2004). At that time and in those circumstances, Brazilian immigrants found it easier to get jobs. This variation between racial orders produced a dynamic that guaranteed places of power within the Brazilian community for brown and black Brazilians, as they began to have more influence in a sphere of coexistence than white Brazilians.² This situation caused a series of tensions because, in a way, brown Brazilians in Portugal at that time were challenging Brazil’s racial hierarchies (which always favour whites).

This reversal produced a series of effects on the Brazilian experience, including a willingness to reverse specific orders seen as “natural” and the possibility of brown and black people having more influence in the community, which would not happen so quickly in Brazil. The work described this process, which was called “hierarchical inversions”. Also, it included a kind of active subordination to these Portuguese prejudices because they guaranteed workplaces for some Brazilians preferentially in that context in Portugal. Racial orders intersect in the migratory experience, producing unexpected effects.

It is an ethnographic perspective that allows us to understand the nuances of this process and also allows us to say something about migration and race. In other words, the idea that immigration always puts specific racial orders in check and produces unexpected effects has also produced a more critical reflection on some of the categories that the Social Sciences use to think about migration, specifically the categories of ethnicity, which have great value and continue to be very important (Machado, 2011). However, the notion of ethnicity made it challenging to see the intricacies of the power established between Brazilians when looking at the Brazilian community. As a political category of definition, in a way, ethnicity made it difficult or blurred the understanding of the power relations between immigrant Brazilians, and the work was to understand these relations between immigrants.³

2. Refugees in Brazil

Let us cut to the chase and jump ahead 15 years. The previous example allows us to understand how different racial orders influence social relations in the migratory context. Let us move on to a set of studies developed by the Laboratory of Migration Studies in São Carlos (LEM) on refugees in Brazil (Machado, 2020). This project began in 2016 and ended in 2021. It produced a series of papers, theses and dissertations on refugees in Brazil, especially in the city of São Paulo.⁴

The primary conclusion of the various works on refuge has to do with the fact that Brazilian racial orders modulate the refugee experience in Brazil. This modulation means that from the point of view of immigrants - especially black refugees who have come from various African countries, but also Haitian immigrants, the majority of whom are black and whose experience is very similar to that of African refugees - the refuge experience is described as a “black refuge” in Brazil (Branco Pereira, 2018). In other words, they articulated that there was a black refuge as opposed to a white refuge, and the example of the white refuge given by these people was the refuge of Syrians. Within Brazilian racial orders, Syrians are considered white or seen as white, which relates to the history of Syrian-Lebanese immigration to Brazil (Truzzi, 1997; Lesser, 2001), and when studying Syrian refuge in Brazil today it is necessary to talk about the history of Syrian-Lebanese migration to Brazil since the end of the 19th century.

In practice, this means that Brazilian racial orders incorporate Syrian populations more quickly because they somehow make sense to Brazilians, especially in states like São Paulo, where Arab food is commonly eaten (Carneiro da Silva, 2019). Arab food is part of everyday life in most São Paulo and several states. This fact is not just a curiosity; it also means that these Syrian refugees, seen as white, found it easier to find a niche in the labour market. Most of them worked with Arabic food in some way. They either produce Arab food to sell, open Arab food restaurants or work in the kitchens of Arab restaurants already established in Brazil (Marchini, 2021). The idea is that particular racial imaginations also imply labour market spaces because of the history they have developed, while black refugees face a different story.

What happens with refugees from Congo, for example, is that in their experience of life in Brazil, Brazilians immediately associate them with the experience of the black Brazilian population (Oliveira, 2020; Almeida, 2021; Branco Pereira, 2021). Therefore, the experience of the Black Refuge is a reference to spatial, social and racial segregation. A considerable number of those who were interlocutors in the research went to live on the outskirts of São Paulo in primarily black neighbourhoods, experiencing the segregation of these black populations, added to the fact that they were not only black but also foreigners (Machado & Pardue, 2020). The fact that some do not have a competent command of Portuguese and have difficulty communicating produces a layer of discrimination on top of that to which black Brazilians are already constantly subjected.⁵

We want to highlight the contrast between the experiences of Syrian refugees and African refugees. The latter group faces severe social exclusion, often leading to their inability to remain in Brazil. In essence, the refugee management system in Brazil is so exclusionary that it leaves them with no choice but to leave the country in search of a place where they can feel less segregated (Almeida, 2021).

In Alexandra Almeida’s doctoral research (Almeida, 2021), she followed a group of black refugee women placed in an institution in São Paulo. About 20 women stayed at the institution for six months, which was the authorised period of stay. After this period, Alexandra followed the lives of these women who spoke French. However, some also spoke Portuguese, and they ended up having relationships with each other because they lived together intensely while they were in this institution. Alexandra accompanied these people, all black and female.

Nevertheless, after two years, none were in Brazil; they all went to other countries, like Chile, France, and Portugal. They were able to leave Brazil as if Brazil were an escape depot. Black refugees in Brazil experience a kind of intolerance and impermeability on the part of Brazilian society towards the experience of these people. Brazil is a highly aggressive and inhospitable country towards this population, which is why the refugees are very explicit in pointing out the difference between a white refuge and a black refuge in Brazil (Machado, 2018).

We saw brutal experiences of discrimination, such as this example recounted by Almeida: She carried out part of her ethnography in an NGO that provided aid to refugee populations with government funds. At one point, one of these women was in a challenging situation: she had a small child, needed help and did not even have the money to buy a nappy. Almeida tried to organise a kind of collection of aid material for this woman, but the institution where she worked as a volunteer refused to help, saying that it was not an aid institution. Almeida was supposed to carry out the aid campaign alone, which she did. However, a week later, the same institution that did not claim to be a charity organised a social assistance activity for a Syrian family in a similar situation. This history is a small example of how the very institutions in charge of contact with these populations carry such strong racial hierarchies that they systematically produce discrimination.

This report is a quick story about five years of research that LEM has carried out on refugees in Brazil. In these stories, we have seen the deep marks on people’s lives produced by the different racial orders they encounter. The black refugees in Brazil faced a racial order they did not know, just as the Brazilians faced racial orders they did not know in Portugal.

3. Brazilians in Ireland

Let us move on to the article’s central theme, Brazilian immigrants in Ireland today. The reason for choosing immigration to Ireland is that since 2016, the movement of Brazilians abroad has increased dramatically. While we already had a history of intense emigration from the late 1980s to around 2005 (Assis & Sazaki, 2001; Machado, 2015; Feldman-Bianco, 2016; Feldman-Bianco et al., 2020). More or less afterwards, under the Lula government, with social development and an increase in Brazil’s GDP, this Brazilian emigration fell, and there was even a movement of people returning from abroad (Assis & Campos, 2009; Cavalcanti & Parella, 2012; Nunan & Peixoto, 2012; Fernandes & Castro, 2013). However, more or less, from 2016 onwards, coincidentally after Presidente Dilma Rousseff was removed from power, social conditions began to deteriorate. After the 2016 coup (Ribeiro, 2016), they got even worse, and there was a brutal movement of Brazilians abroad that we cannot quantify precisely, but there are some indications.

Research carried out by the Immigration Observatory in Brasilia and coordinated by Leonardo Cavalcanti indicates that around 2.5 million Brazilians left the country between 2010 and 2019 and did not return (A. T. Oliveira, 2019). The number of Brazilians in Portugal, for example, rose to 204,694 people in 2021 (SEF/GEPF, 2022:41), while in 2016, the number was 85,456 (SEF/GEPF, 2017:13), i.e. an increase of 239% in the space of 6 years. These two pieces of information give us an idea of the scale of recent Brazilian emigration: the Federal Police data used by Oliveira indicate that more than two million Brazilians have left the country (by 2019). The statistics for documented Brazilians in Portugal are a concrete example of this increase and do not take into account undocumented Brazilians. In other words, the number is even higher. We have very high numbers of Brazilians travelling abroad, which allows us to say that this current movement is more significant than that prior to 2016 and that it will have demographic effects on Brazilian history.

We can see this significant increase in Brazilian emigration in all the traditional destinations, such as Portugal, the USA, and Japan. Nevertheless, it has also spread to other places where the presence of Brazilians was not so significant or even non-existent. Ireland is a case in point, where the presence of Brazilians was not so important but has seen a significant increase. The research option was to analyse these “semi-new” countries, as with Brazilians in Ireland. Brazilians started arriving in Ireland around 2000, so there is already a historiography of this population (Maher & Cawley, 2015; Marrow, 2013; McGrath, 2010; McGrath & Murray, 2009, among others). In the 2016 Irish census, Cawley (2018:40) shows 13640 documented Brazilians in Ireland. It does not seem like a huge number, but Brazilians were Ireland’s fifth most significant immigrant population that year. The 2022 census shows a general increase in the Brazilian immigrant population to 39556⁶. The Brazilian embassy in Dublin estimated the number of Brazilians in the country to be 70000 in 2021 (MRE, 2022).

In 2022, Ireland launched an extraordinary process to legalise immigrants, and of the 8311 applications (of which 97% were accepted), 1504 were made by Brazilians (Murray, 2022), the nationality with the highest number of applications (followed by Pakistanis, Chinese and others). Considering that the criterion for legalisation was to prove that they had already been in Ireland for at least the last four years (Heylin & Triandafyllidou, 2023), one can see the growing relevance of Brazilian immigration to Ireland in recent years. While Brazilians are a relatively new population in Ireland, these figures indicate how, in recent years, the proportion of Brazilian immigrants has increased significantly and continues to do so, as many people have arrived in the country since 2022, as the fieldwork attests.

From a comparative perspective on this scenario of new Brazilian emigration, we evaluated the bibliography on Brazilians in Ireland. In these texts, there is a fundamental distinction between Brazilians in Ireland, especially from the 2010s onwards: the idea that there are Brazilian workers and Brazilian students (Farias, 2022; M. C. da Silva, 2019; Soares, 2014). There are currently several visa categories in Ireland, but Brazilians mainly use work and study visas. Brazilians utilise mainly these two visas to stay in Ireland on a documented basis. We are, therefore, not dealing with the undocumented.

Irish law names the work visa “Stamp 1, the “estampa,” as Brazilians say. This visa is a work permit that allows immigrants to work and offers some guaranteed fundamental rights. It has to be renewed every two years but depends on an employment contract that can only be granted after the State has authorised the Irish employer. The State controls this work visa, choosing specific categories to grant the work contract.

Another way to enter legally is to get a study visa. When someone gets this visa, they must, of course, study in Ireland, studying English or technical or higher education. The visa allows the stay for a specific period: if it is an English course, the maximum stay is two years. If it is for technical or higher education, immigrants can extend the visa up to 7 years. People can work 20 hours a week (part-time) with a study visa.

The Brazilian population is distributed in terms of migratory status, mainly in these two visas. Other work visas allow more rights, such as stamp 4, which Brazilians with dual nationality (if one of them is from the European Union) can access. Some Brazilians in Ireland for over five years can also switch from stamp 1 to 4, but both are work visas. In terms of undocumented, Brazilians enter as tourists, spend 90 days, and remain in the country undocumented.

3.1 Students vs Workers

The literature establishes significant contrasts between these two populations: students and workers. Students are better educated, and workers have fewer years of study (Murray, 2006; Soares, 2014; Dalsin, 2016; Silva, 2016; Cawley, 2018). Students have a higher average income than workers. They are more concentrated in Dublin and a few other larger cities (such as Cork and Limerick), while workers are more concentrated in the country’s interior, especially in the meatpacking industries.

While doing fieldwork, we realise that these stamp 1 workers are brown and black while the students are white. The possibility of this perception was also due to the dynamics of fieldwork, which allowed visits to many places in Ireland, both inland and in Dublin, accessing a vast number of immigrants with work and study visas. Travelling with an immigrant who was a courier delivering Brazilian products to other Brazilians, We could visit fellow compatriots all over the country (from north to south). As ethnographies about Brazilians in Ireland tend to focus on one place (at the beginning of the century, in the country towns, more recently in Dublin), it is more difficult to perceive this obvious contrast, which the particular dynamics of ethnography have made clear.

The biography never mentions race - the various surveys do not mention race, for example - but there is a racial distinction. However, from an Irish point of view, there is no such distinction since all Brazilians are racialised in the same way as non-whites, regardless of their colour. Authors such as Lentin (2007) and O’Connell (2018) defend the idea that immigration in Ireland is racialised, regardless of phenotypes. Immigrants currently comprise 12% of the Irish population.⁷ According to Lentin (2007) and Lentin and McVeigh (2006), this gradual increase in the foreign population has marked a new form of racialisation.

In 2004, the Irish voted in a referendum to withdraw citizenship rights by birth in Ireland - jus solis - for anyone without at least one Irish parent or Irish citizenship (Lentin, 2007). A majority of 80 per cent voted to remove the rule that had been in place since 1922. Lentin and Goldberg argue that this is a racial policy, which translates the development of a state where nation and race are intertwined to form a racist state (Goldberg, 2002) and where biopolitics and the technologies of control and regulation of immigration and refuge order the construction (both practical and discursive) of Irish otherness. This situation is a process of whitening the Irish, as opposed to the growing number of immigrants.

The practice of the Irish State, as evidenced by the referendum, is to see non-Irish people as otherness unsuitable for citizenship, using racist legislation to criminalise, regulate and control immigrants (Lentin, 2007, p. 614). Although there is a hegemonic discourse of Ireland as an open, cosmopolitan, multicultural country, reality offers a reality of capitalist ultra-exploitation, exclusionary nationalism and growing xenophobia (Loyal, 2011). Thus, for Lentin, the process of racialisation of immigration in Ireland transforms all immigrants into blacks as a way of defining the Irish themselves as white.

Some of the authors who deal with Brazilians in Ireland are Irish and do not distinguish between these two populations - workers and students - based on their racial perceptions. Nevertheless, from our point of view, the striking thing is that Brazilian authors do not discuss race either, but only ethnicity, which tends to be extended equally to all Brazilians as an “ethnic minority”. The focus was rarely on the divisions within the Brazilian community and the obvious racial issues present in this context.

This stance, however, is usual in the field of migration, mainly due to the predominance of the categories of ethnicity and identity (or ethnic identity) (Seyferth, 1986). As a category of political mobilisation (de Oliveira Filho, 1999; Athias, 2018), intellectuals articulate ethnicity as a tool for claiming rights, and, in this sense, it does not intend to and cannot look at “intra-ethnic” differences⁸. As a category, it is designed for contexts of “interethnic friction” (de Oliveira, 1994), not for a critical analysis of the diversities within the totalities that the concept defines. This critical analysis of the concept of ethnicity began to be articulated in Machado (2009) and takes on a more systematic format in elaborating the concept of “differentiality.”⁹ (Machado, 2011), with Ingoldian solid inspiration (Ingold, 2007).

The result of these traditional readings in the bibliography on Brazilians in Ireland is that all the analyses of the student populations are in some ways more favourable than those of the working populations: they have more years of education and generally have a university degree. Nevertheless, this perspective is a policy of unconscious or non-explicit racialisation. That is why these forms of racialisation are not even perceived. What struck us after the field experience is how it is possible to talk about Brazilians in Ireland with this distinction - students versus workers - without touching on the issue of race.

The obvious fact is this: middle-class Brazilians get student visas because to access them, they have to pay for a school, and what is more, they have to pay for the whole course before they set foot in the country, which is expensive. In addition, they need to factor in 3,000 euros, which the State must verify. There is no denying that they need a higher income to access the student visa. People on work visas generally have their tickets paid for and are recruited by Irish employers directly from Brazil to work on the factory floor in Ireland. There is a real contrast between the whiter middle and lower-middle-class people who apply for student visas and the blacker and browner lower-class people who work on work visas.

3.2 Comparing experiences

The bibliography constantly evaluates more favourable to one group than another, as if this group of students were better for Ireland than the group of workers. Nevertheless, that is only part of the story. When we analyse the life experience of people on student visas and stamp 1 work visas, we see that the life of people on student visas is much more traumatic and complex than the experience of people on work visas, from the point of view of the labour market. The holder of a work visa is already privileged by the State since only a few professions are allowed on stamp 1: the state controls, with hiring permits, which labour markets are accessible to non-European workers from the EU. The State must approve the labour contract that generates the work visa beforehand. In the case of Brazilians, especially workers in the Irish meatpacking market, we have a unique situation. Ireland is the largest meat producer in Europe, with several meatpacking plants, and those who work in these plants are foreigners, especially Brazilians.

Due to several fortuitous events, these industries began hiring Brazilians from Anápolis in Goiás (Murray, 2006; Silva, 2011). This process resulted in many Brazilians working in Irish meatpacking plants. The work inside these plants is highly aggressive and brutal, and the Irish do not want to work in these jobs, which are occupied by Brazilians and other foreigners, in the same way that immigrants in Brazil are occupying workspaces in Brazilian meatpacking plants. In the south of Brazil, for example, various Muslim immigrants go to work in specific slaughterhouses for export to Islamic countries in unhealthy working conditions (de Padua Bosi, 2019; Lopez, 2019; Granada et al., 2021).

However, Brazilian immigrants in Ireland are guaranteed the right to work with a work visa (stamp 1). They can work 40 hours and are entitled to at least two critical social policies in the Irish State: they can receive an extra income per child, and they can ask for a rent supplement if they cannot pay the rent - because rent in Ireland is costly (Fahey et al., 2019). Another essential issue is that these workers can count the time they spend under Visa One in the accounts for future legalisations. For the process of acquiring Irish citizenship, they need to be five years under a documentation regime that counts, at least to start an application for Irish nationality. The immigrant can apply for naturalisation under the Visa 1 regime after five years.

They have to bear in mind that not everything is favourable: the visa has severe problems in terms of job insecurity. The immigrant depends on that labour contract to remain in the country. If the employer withdraws the labour contract, the worker loses their registration immediately and has to return to Brazil. This relationship means a brutal dependence of the immigrant on the employer, which leads to an absurd exploitation of labour. It is ubiquitous for contracts to establish terms systematically broken by the employers, always to the detriment of the workers: they receive less than agreed and live in much more precarious conditions than advertised.

However, immigrants do not have much chance to complain because losing their labour contract means losing all the conditions that allow them to stay in Ireland. Brazilians see Stamp 1 as a kind of “temporary slavery”. During these five years, they may find themselves in difficult situations. However, they still have access to some essential resources from the Irish State. If they make it through these years, they can transform the Stamp 1 work visa into another work visa, stamp 4, which guarantees more rights because it does not depend exclusively on an employment contract. Under Stamp 4, the worker can change jobs, which changes the whole negotiation process with employers.

During the duration of visa 1, however, the type of relationship between employer and employee is characterised as “hyperdependence” (Zou, 2015; Rojas Coppari, 2019) in an economic situation that we can call hyperprecarious, following Lewis et al. (2015a). In this category, we find, in general, unskilled Brazilian workers, especially those linked to two easily mappable labour niches: meatpacking workers and trainers on horse breeding, taming and training farms, usually related to the popular sport of horse racing, supported by a large betting shop industry in Ireland.

These are predominantly men with some specialisation in Brazil and are explicitly hired for these professions, receiving salaries below the average for national workers in the same profession. Alternatively, they are those workers willing to work for the amounts paid by these industries, which are below average, considering the difficulties and even labour risks. Silva (2011:171) surveyed meat factory employees at a football event (Brazilian teams from different meatpacking plants) and identified an average of five years of schooling for these workers.

These are the most visible workers in the bibliography on immigration in Ireland, mainly because researchers can easily find them in meat factories and horse farms, which are generally concentrated in towns in the Irish countryside, producing a dispersion of Brazilians throughout the country, but in small localities where it is relatively easy to find them. They are also considered the pioneers of Brazilian immigration to Ireland.

We are talking about Brazilians who have poor schooling and are usually without a secondary education. These workers have great difficulty speaking English and little ability to interact with Irish society without the help of interpreters. This situation, combined with the visa rules, which prevent them from changing jobs, creates what we could call workers who are vulnerable to all kinds of exploitation, whether by employers, by other more experienced Brazilians, or by the State itself, in the difficulty it imposes on access to services.

Now, let us compare this situation to Brazilian students in Ireland. As students, the whiter middle- and lower-middle-class Brazilians who get visas can work 20 hours, and only those 20 hours. Many of them have difficulty finding the resources to obtain their visas, so they have to work to support themselves while attending classes. These are always jobs far below the average precarious wages paid to immigrants in Ireland, as Irish employers see them as people working to supplement their income (Gilmartin et al., 2021)-the State produces immigration management categories that lead to precarious labour (Machado, 2012). Student work is even more precarious than the meat factory work of immigrants with work visas.

Brazilians who go to study - here we are not counting the important but fleeting phenomenon of President Dilma’s Science without Borders programme (2011-2017) (Almeida et al., 2016; O’Neill et al., 2021) - are generally in search of better English and also possibly an opportunity for another life as an immigrant. Some also come for higher education, despite the relatively high costs from the point of view of those coming from an economy with a fragile currency, as the Brazilian real has been since the coup against President Dilma Rousseff. However, the vast majority come to study English and enrol in schools that the Irish government accredits. In order to renew a course that lasts eight months, they have to pass the tests it offers and go on to a more advanced level, but if they do not pass, they cannot renew their visa. This situation has opened up space for schools that have turned into business centres and given rise to several complaints over the years. Some schools victimise Brazilians, closing overnight without compensating the students.

The Brazilians who arrive in these conditions tend to be middle-class, many with university degrees, others with technical or secondary education. Most of them work as nannies, carers in general, app delivery drivers, and shop assistants in various shops (department stores, petrol stations, cafés, restaurants, etc.). In general, the jobs they do are below their original level of training, and they find it difficult to find jobs in their respective fields under the 20-hour scheme.

Given the temporary nature of Stamp 2, Brazilians in this situation need to urgently look for alternatives to staying in Ireland. One possible way is to advance their studies, take a technical course lasting around two or three years, and extend their legal stay in the country. Some people take this route, specialising in relatively inexpensive courses that they can pay for by working 20 hours (but this alternative always implies a very controlled life and financial difficulties). Nevertheless, in many cases, what happens is that Brazilians go undocumented. In other words, Stamp 2 expires, but the students do not leave the country and become undocumented immigrants. Stamp 2 is undeniably the beginning of the story for many of the Brazilians who are now undocumented. Ruhs (2003) states that the Irish visa system operates with employment-based and non-employment-based entries (such as stamp 2). However, Irish employers use immigrant students to fill vacancies in the labour market that could be occupied by working immigrants (with the 20-hour week scheme). This process has increased the participation of students in a labour market previously associated with unskilled immigrants, only in even more insecure and precarious arrangements (Gilmartin et al., 2016).

The work of immigrants on study visas is very precarious, and the life experiences of these people are problematic: they cannot pay the bills with the resources they raise from this work; as a result, they live in very precarious situations, with many people living in one house. They go through challenging situations because of the exploitative labour conditions and the cost of keeping their visas valid. This situation favours many employers who continue paying meagre wages. Irish employers use the study visa to fill the ultra-poor labour market with very low wages (Machado, 2023).

In addition, students cannot count the time they spend on Stamp 2 towards future naturalisation. The study visa does not count towards the naturalisation process; only when the immigrant changes to another visa with a more stable regime do they produce an experience that legitimises - after another five years - an application for naturalisation. Thus, we can see that the experience of whiter lower middle-class and middle-class Brazilians in the labour market is more precarious than that of black and brown Brazilians employed in the Irish meat market. However, the bibliography does not show this contrast; it only reports on people’s education and indicates that some are better qualified than others. It does not show that the life experience of students in Ireland, in terms of monetary resources, is more complicated than that of more black and brown immigrants: we have a contradiction between people with a higher education and study visas in a more precarious situation than people who do not have as much education. Meatpacking workers generally do not have a high school education, for example, but they have fixed salaries for 40 hours and access to some rights that whiter students do not have.

Final considerations

The migratory experience produces an inversion in the life experience of Brazilians in Ireland in terms of access to the labour market, and this inversion is characteristically racialised. However, the literature does not pay attention to this because it, too, is blind to racial orders, generally because of theoretical frameworks that avoid the differences within immigrant groups. When studying immigration, it is essential to pay attention to the racialisation regimes contrasted with the migratory experience because they reveal something about the immigrants and the countries that receive these presences that challenge and tense established racial orders.

Brazilians in Ireland have different experiences, depending on the visa they use. However, the research indicates that the result of this difference alters, to some extent, the effects of racial order in Brazil. In Brazil, these orders tend to produce exclusion and systematic oppression for black and brown people (and within these groups, more exclusion for women and LGBTQIA+ (Gonzalez et al., 2021)); in Ireland, black and brown immigrants were in a more stable economic situation, producing a denser community life. The students were experiencing a precariousness that was often unprecedented in the lives of these Brazilians. Very intense work and study regimes, few resources, unhealthy housing, lack of fundamental rights, etc.

This structural inversion of the economic vulnerabilities of whites versus blacks and browns was felt with a certain irony by the populations traditionally discriminated against in Brazil. At the same time, the white students did not perceive it as a change in the Brazilian racial order. For them, it was a situation derived from the natural difficulties of emigration, with no apparent relation to race. This selective ignorance allowed them to maintain a heroic discourse about their qualities as “successful” individuals in immigrant life. In other words, Brazil’s racial orders prevented this population from seeing a racial inversion caused by Irish migratory rules.

The cases of Brazilians in Portugal and black refugees and immigrants in Brazil, which we looked at in the first two parts of this text, also illustrate other stories of the shuffling of racial orders and their effects. In the case of Brazilians in Portugal, this produced genuine racial inversions that favoured black and brown immigrants in the labour market. In the case of black immigrants and refugees in Brazil, what we saw was a kind of racial trap in which immigrants are “accepted” only to experience radical exclusion in everyday life. This radical exclusion ends up leading them to remigrate: they are practically forced to flee Brazil because of the extreme regimes of exclusion in Brazilian society.

These two cases help us think about Brazilians’ experience in Ireland (and any migratory experience). Nevertheless, by looking at the cases involving Brazilian racial orders, whether with immigrants abroad or foreigners in Brazil, we can have more elements to understand how the lives of Brazilians in Ireland are affected by the crossing and shuffling of racial orders. Furthermore, these descriptions point to how these processes produce differences between groups, as the case of Brazilians in Portugal and Ireland shows. Transformations of racial orders have unexpected effects on the lives of immigrants. Immigrants also stress the racial orders of their communities, producing differences and power shifts between Brazilians in various national contexts.

References

• ALEXANDRE, V.; DIAS, J. 1998. O império africano , Séculos XIX e XX.
• ALMEIDA, A. C. G. de. 2021. Refúgio e imigração em São Paulo: uma análise através da realidade de cinco mulheres imigrantes negras São Carlos, Tese de doutorado, Universidade Federal de São Carlos. 2021.
• ALMEIDA DUTRA, R. C. de; AZEVEDO, L. F. de. 2016. “Programa “Ciência sem Fronteiras”: geopolítica do conhecimento e o projeto de desenvolvimento brasileiro”. Ciências Sociais Unisinos, 52: 234-243. DOI: https://doi.org/10.4013/csu.2016.52.2.10.
  » https://doi.org/10.4013/csu.2016.52.2.10
• ASSIS, G. de O.; E. M., SAZAKI. 2001. “Os novos migrantes do e para o Brasil: um balanço da produção bibliográfica”. In: CASTRO, M. G. Migrações internacionais: contribuições para políticas CNPD Brasília, CNPD, p-.
• ASSIS, G. de O.; CAMPOS, E. 2009. “De volta para casa: a reconstrução de identidades de emigrantes retornados”. Tempo e Argumento, 1: 80-99. Disponível em: Disponível em: https://revistas.udesc.br/index.php/tempo/article/view/1834 Acesso em: 7 maio 2024.
  » https://revistas.udesc.br/index.php/tempo/article/view/1834
• ATHIAS, R. M. 2018. “Povos indígenas, processos identitários e etnicidade: notas sobre pesquisas em Antropologia Política”. Revista EntreRios, 1: 91-107. DOI: https://doi.org/10.26694/rer.v1i1.7242.
  » https://doi.org/10.26694/rer.v1i1.7242
• BRANCO PEREIRA, A. 2018. “O refúgio do trauma. Notas etnográficas sobre trauma, racismo e temporalidades do sofrimento em um serviço de saúde mental para refugiados”. REMHU: Revista Interdisciplinar da Mobilidade Humana, 26: 79-97. https://doi.org/10.1590/1980-85852503880005306.
  » https://doi.org/10.1590/1980-85852503880005306
• BRANCO PEREIRA, A. 2021. “Refuge in Brazil: An Ethnographic Approach”. Antípoda. Revista de Antropología y Arqueología, 197-214. DOI: https://doi.org/10.7440/antipoda43.2021.09.
  » https://doi.org/10.7440/antipoda43.2021.09
• BRANCO-PEREIRA, A. 2019. Viajantes do tempo: imigrantes-refugiadas, saúde mental, cultura e racismo na cidade de São Paulo Curitiba, Editora CRV.
• CARNEIRO DA SILVA, J. 2019. “Da Síria para São Bernardo do Campo: o cenário do refúgio”. Travessia: Revista do Migrante, 7-24. DOI: https://doi.org/10.48213/travessia.i85.298.
  » https://doi.org/10.48213/travessia.i85.298
• CARNEIRO DA SILVA, J. 2023. Redes sociais (social networks) de deslocados/as pelo conflito sírio no Brasil: a solidão como articuladora de experiências migratórias São Carlos, Tese de doutorado, Universidade Federal de São Carlos. 2023.
• CASTELO, C. 1998. O modo português de estar no mundo. O luso-tropicalismo e a ideologia colonial portuguesa (1933-1961). Porto, Porto Afrontamento, 166 p.
• CAVALCANTI, L.; PARELLA, S. 2012. “Entre las políticas de retorno y las prácticas transnacionales de los migrantes brasileños. Re-pensando el retorno desde una perspectiva transnacional”. Revista Crítica e Sociedade, 2: 109-124. Disponível em https://seer.ufu.br/index.php/criticasociedade/article/view/21945
  » https://seer.ufu.br/index.php/criticasociedade/article/view/21945
• CAWLEY, M. 2018. “Labour and education-related migration in the age of globalisation: new links between Brazil and Ireland in the age of globalisation”. Espaço Aberto, 8: 37-56. DOI: https://doi.org/10.36403/espacoaberto.2018.20816.
  » https://doi.org/10.36403/espacoaberto.2018.20816
• CUNHA, G. da. 2023. Da Síria a São Paulo: a vinda de famílias refugiadas sírias ao interior paulista São Carlos, Dissertação de mestrado, Universidade Federal de São Carlos. 2023.
• DALSIN, K. 2016. “Migration of rich immigrants: gender, ethnicity, and class”. In: Vailati, A.; RIAL, C. (eds.). Migration of rich immigrants: gender, ethnicity, and class Nova York, Palgrave Macmillan, pp. 163-178.
• FAHEY, É.; RUSSELL, H.; GROTTI, R. 2019. Diverse neighbourhoods: An analysis of the residential distribution of immigrants in Ireland Relatório, Economic and Social Research Institute Dublin.
• FARIAS, N. A. de. 2022. Identifying the determinants of Brazilian migration to and from Ireland: a micro-level cross-country analysis Dublin, Tese de doutorado, Trinity College Dublin, 2022. 350 pp.
• FELDMAN-BIANCO, B. 2016. “Memórias de luta: Brasileiros no exterior (1993-2010)”. REMHU: Revista Interdisciplinar da Mobilidade Humana, 24: 45-61. https://doi.org/10.1590/1980-85852503880004804.
  » https://doi.org/10.1590/1980-85852503880004804
• FELDMAN-BIANCO, B.; SANJURJO, L.; SILVA, D. M. da. 2020. “Migrações e deslocamentos: balanço bibliográfico da produção antropológica brasileira entre 1940 e 2018”. BIB, 1-58. Disponível em https://bibanpocs.emnuvens.com.br/revista/article/view/516
  » https://bibanpocs.emnuvens.com.br/revista/article/view/516
• FERNANDES, D.; CASTRO, C. G de. 2013. “Migração e crise: o retorno dos imigrantes brasileiros em Portugal”. REMHU: Revista Interdisciplinar da Mobilidade Humana, 21: 99-116. Disponível em https://www.scielo.br/j/remhu/a/VrjjQHsNr8FmNFzGfwfHD5F
  » https://www.scielo.br/j/remhu/a/VrjjQHsNr8FmNFzGfwfHD5F
• GILMARTIN, M.; ROJAS COPPARI, P.; PHELAN, D. 2016. International student migration to Ireland Relatório, NIRSA - National Institute for Regional and Spatial Analysis, Maynooth University, Maynooth.
• GILMARTIN, M.; ROJAS COPPARI, P.; PHELAN, D. 2021. “Promising precarity: the lives of Dublin’s international students”. Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, 47: 4723-4740. https://doi.org/10.1080/1369183X.2020.1732617.
  » https://doi.org/10.1080/1369183X.2020.1732617
• GOLDBERG, D. T. 2002. The racial state Blackwell Publishers, Malden, MA.
• GOMES, M. S. 2018. “Gênero, colonialidade e migrações: uma análise de discursos institucionais sobre a ‘brasileira imigrante’ em Portugal”. Política & Sociedade, 17: 404-439. DOI: https://doi.org/10.5007/2175-7984.2018v17n38p404.
  » https://doi.org/10.5007/2175-7984.2018v17n38p404
• GONZALEZ, L.; BARROS, B.; OLIVEIRA, J.; REIS, L. 2021. “Racism and sexism in Brazilian culture”. Women’s Studies Quarterly, 49: 371-394. DOI: https://www.jstor.org/stable/27083282
  » https://www.jstor.org/stable/27083282
• GRANADA, D.; GRISOTTI, M.; DETONI, P. P.;CAZAROTTO, R.; OLIVEIRA, M. C. de. 2021. “Saúde e migrações: a pandemia de Covid-19 e os trabalhadores imigrantes nos frigoríficos do Sul do Brasil”. Horizontes Antropológicos, 27: 207-226. https://doi.org/10.1590/S0104-71832021000100011.
  » https://doi.org/10.1590/S0104-71832021000100011
• GROSFOGUEL, R.; GEORAS, C. S. 2000. “Coloniality of power” and racial dynamics: Notes toward a reinterpretation of Latino Caribbeans in New York City London, Taylor & Francis.
• GUIMARÃES, A. S. A. 2008. “Cor e raça: raça, cor e outros conceitos analíticos”. In: Raça: novas perspectivas antropológicas 2nd ed. EDUFBA, Salvador, p.
• HEYLIN, R.; TRIANDAFYLLIDOU, A. 2023. Regularizations of migrants without status in Europe: Scope, impact and lessons learned Toronto, Cerc.
• INGOLD, T. 2007. Lines: A brief history London, Routledge.
• LENTIN, R. 2007. “Ireland: Racial state and crisis racism”. Ethnic and Racial Studies, 30: 610-627. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1080/01419870701356023.
  » https://doi.org/10.1080/01419870701356023
• LENTIN, R.; e McVEIGH, R. 2006. After optimism? Ireland, racism and globalisation Dublin, Metro Eireann Publications.
• LESSER, J. 2001. A negociação da identidade nacional: Imigrantes, minorias e a luta pela etnicidade no Brasil São Paulo, Unesp.
• LEWIS, H.; DWYER, P.; HODKINSON, S.; WAITE, L. 2015. “Hyper-precarious lives: Migrants, work and forced labour in the Global North”. Progress in Human Geography, 39: 580-600. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1177/0309132514548303.
  » https://doi.org/10.1177/0309132514548303
• LOPEZ, G. A. J. 2019. Trabalho e ritual: Uma etnografia dos imigrantes e refugiados muçulmanos que realizam o abate halal nos frigoríficos do oeste catarinense São Carlos, Dissertação de mestrado, Universidade Federal de São Carlos, 2019. 119 p.
• LOYAL, S. 2011. “A land of a hundred thousand welcomes? Understanding established and outsiders relations in Ireland”. The Sociological Review, 59: 181-201. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-954X.2011.01984.x.
  » https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-954X.2011.01984.x
• MACHADO, I. J. R. 2004. “Imigrantes brasileiros no Porto: Aproximação à perenidade de ordens raciais e coloniais portuguesas”. Lusotopie, 11: 121-140. Disponível em https://www.persee.fr/doc/luso_1257-0273_2004_num_11_1_1593
  » https://www.persee.fr/doc/luso_1257-0273_2004_num_11_1_1593
• MACHADO, I. J. R. 2009. Cárcere público: Processos de exotização entre imigrantes brasileiros no Porto, Portugal Lisboa, Imprensa de Ciências Sociais, ICS, 256 p.
• MACHADO, I. J. R. 2011. Japonesidades multiplicadas: Novos estudos sobre a presença japonesa no Brasil São Carlos, EdUFSCar, 190 p.
• MACHADO, I. J. R. 2012. “The management of difference”. Vibrant, 9: 311-332. Disponível em: http://www.vibrant.org.br/issues/v9n1/igor-jose-de-reno-machado-the-management-of-difference/
  » http://www.vibrant.org.br/issues/v9n1/igor-jose-de-reno-machado-the-management-of-difference/
• MACHADO, I. J. R. 2015. “Brasileiros no exterior e cidadania (1980-2005)”. Tomo, 26: 211-245. DOI: https://doi.org/10.21669/tomo.v0i0.4407.
  » https://doi.org/10.21669/tomo.v0i0.4407
• MACHADO, I. J. R. 2018. “Refugiados e nipo-descendentes: espacialidades e deslocamentos no contexto brasileiro”. AntroPolítica, 202-228. DOI: https://doi.org/10.22409/antropolitica2018.0i44.a41814.
  » https://doi.org/10.22409/antropolitica2018.0i44.a41814
• MACHADO, I. J. R. 2020. Etnografias do refúgio no Brasil São Carlos, EdUFSCar, 179 p.
• MACHADO, I. J. R. 2023. “Sobre a imaterialidade dos corpos imigrantes na Irlanda: esboço de uma teoria a partir do caso dos brasileiros”. REMHU: Revista Interdisciplinar da Mobilidade Humana, 31: 233-248. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1590/1980-85852503880006714.
  » https://doi.org/10.1590/1980-85852503880006714
• MACHADO, I. J. R.; REIS, E. S. 2007. “Algumas conclusões acerca do fluxo de valadarenses para Portugal.” Teoria & Pesquisa, 16: 153-166. DOI: https://doi.org/10.4322/tp.v16i1.36.
  » https://doi.org/10.4322/tp.v16i1.36
• MACHADO, I. J. R.; PARDUE, D. 2020. “Migrant refugee spatialities lived and legislated in São Paulo”. In BRANDELLERO, S.; PARDUE, D. E.; WINK, G. (eds.). Living (Il) legalities in Brazil Nova York, Routledge, pp. 36-51.
• MACHADO, I. J. R.; A. C. G. Almeida; e E. S. Reis. 2009. “Algumas características do fluxo migratório de brasileiros de Governador Valadares para Portugal”. Antropológicas, 11. Disponível em: https://bdigital.ufp.pt/bitstream/10284/1839/1/111-126.pdf
  » https://bdigital.ufp.pt/bitstream/10284/1839/1/111-126.pdf
• MAHER, G.; Cawley, M. 2015. “Social networks and labour market access among Brazilian migrants in Ireland”. Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, 41: 2336-2356. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1080/1369183X.2015.1061424.
  » https://doi.org/10.1080/1369183X.2015.1061424
• MARCHINI, L. 2021. Comer e sobreviver: a comida como cenário de refugiados sírios em São Paulo São Carlos, Dissertação de mestrado, Universidade Federal de São Carlos. 2021.
• MARROW, H. B. 2013. “In Ireland ‘Latin Americans are kind of cool’: Evaluating a national context of reception with a transnational lens”. Ethnicities, 13: 645-666. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1177/1468796812463188.
  » https://doi.org/10.1177/1468796812463188
• McGRATH, B. 2010. “Social capital in community, family, and work lives of Brazilian migrant parents in Ireland”. Community, Work and Family, 13: 147-165. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1080/13668800903192168.
  » https://doi.org/10.1080/13668800903192168
• McGRATH, B.; MURRAY, F. 2009. “Brazilian migrants in Ireland: Emergent themes from research and practice on the significance of social networks and social capital”. Translocations: Migration and Social Change, 5(1): 1-20. Disponível em: https://migrant-integration.ec.europa.eu/sites/default/files/2009-11/docl_10857_812451124.pdf
  » https://migrant-integration.ec.europa.eu/sites/default/files/2009-11/docl_10857_812451124.pdf
• MORAIS, M. S. De; PADILLA, B.; ROSSETO, C. M.; ALMEIDA, M. A. S. de. 2021. “Migração: saúde reprodutiva e estereótipo”. Cadernos Saúde Coletiva, 29: 86-91. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1590/1414-462X202199010337.
  » https://doi.org/10.1590/1414-462X202199010337
• MRE. 2022. Comunidade brasileira no exterior Brasília, MRE. Disponível em: https://www.gov.br/mre/pt-br/assuntos/portal-consular/BrasileirosnoExterior.pdf
  » https://www.gov.br/mre/pt-br/assuntos/portal-consular/BrasileirosnoExterior.pdf
• MURRAY, E. 2006. “Brazil in Ireland”. Irish Migration Studies in Latin America, (4) 99-102. Disponível em: https://www.irlandeses.org/0607.pdf
  » https://www.irlandeses.org/0607.pdf
• MURRAY, S. 2022. “Majority of undocumented who applied to legalise status in Ireland have been successful”. Irish Examiner (26/12/2022), disponível em: Irish Examiner (26/12/2022), disponível em: https://www.irishexaminer.com/news/arid-41033507.html Acesso em: 9 de março de 2023.
  » https://www.irishexaminer.com/news/arid-41033507.html
• NEVES, A. S. A. das; NOGUEIRA, M. da C. O. C.;TOPA, J. B.; SILVA, E. G. 2016. “Mulheres imigrantes em Portugal: uma análise de gênero”. Estudos de Psicologia (Campinas), 33: 723-733. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1590/1982-02752016000400015.
  » https://doi.org/10.1590/1982-02752016000400015
• NUNAN, C.; PEIXOTO, J. 2012. “Crise econômica e retorno dos imigrantes brasileiros em Portugal”. REMHU: Revista Interdisciplinar da Mobilidade Humana, 20 (38): 233-250. Disponível em: https://www.scielo.br/j/remhu/a/FkYsxtrQWQgc9WZCCmR9YpB/
  » https://www.scielo.br/j/remhu/a/FkYsxtrQWQgc9WZCCmR9YpB/
• O’CONNELL, P. 2018. “International migration in Ireland, 2017”. Relatório, Geary Institute, University College Dublin,
• OLIVEIRA, A. T. 2019. “A migração regular no Brasil: movimentação e registros”. In: CAVALCANTI, L.; OLIVEIRA, T. de; MACEDO, M. de (eds.). Imigração e refúgio no Brasil. Relatório Anual 2019 Brasília, OBMigra, pp. 73-89.
• OLIVEIRA FILHO, J. P. de. 1999. A viagem da volta: Etnicidade, política e reelaboração cultural no Nordeste indígena Rio de Janeiro, Contra Capa.
• OLIVEIRA, M. 2020. “Sírios e congoleses homens e mulheres refugiados no Brasil: perfil socioeconômico, integração e perspectivas futuras”. Plural: Revista de Ciências Sociais, 27(1): 62-89. DOI: https://doi.org/10.11606/issn.2176-8099.pcso.2020.171528.
  » https://doi.org/10.11606/issn.2176-8099.pcso.2020.171528
• OLIVEIRA, R. C. 1994. “O movimento dos conceitos na antropologia”. Revista de Antropologia, 36: 13-31. DOI: https://doi.org/10.11606/2179-0892.ra.1993.111381.
  » https://doi.org/10.11606/2179-0892.ra.1993.111381
• O’NEILL, D.; LUCEY, S.; O’SULLIVAN, G.; RYAN, M. 2021. “Ciência Sem Fronteiras: a experiencia irlandesa”. In: FREYRE JUNIOR, J. C.; PANICO, V. F. B. (orgs.). Programa Ciência Sem Fronteiras: idealização, desenvolvimento e resultados. São Paulo, Cultura Acadêmica Editora, pp. 291-310.
• PADUA BOSI, A. de. 2019. “Trabalho e imigração: os haitianos empregados nos frigoríficos do Oeste do Paraná”. Revista de História Regional, 24(2): 228-251. Disponível em: http://www.revistas2.uepg.br/index.php/rhr
  » http://www.revistas2.uepg.br/index.php/rhr
• PINTO, J. A. da C. 2009. “Gilberto Freyre e a intelligentsia salazarista em defesa do Império Colonial Português (1951-1974)”. História (São Paulo), 28(1): 445-482. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1590/S0101-90742009000100016.
  » https://doi.org/10.1590/S0101-90742009000100016
• PISCITELLI, A. 2007. “Corporalidade em confronto: Brasileiras na indústria de sexo na Espanha”. Revista Brasileira de Ciências Sociais, 22 (64): 17-32. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1590/S0102-69092007000200002.
  » https://doi.org/10.1590/S0102-69092007000200002
• PISCITELLI, A. 2008. “Interseccionalidades, categorias de articulação e experiências de migrantes brasileiras”. Sociedade e Cultura, 11(2): 263-274. DOI: https://doi.org/10.5216/sec.v11i2.5247.
  » https://doi.org/10.5216/sec.v11i2.5247
• PONTES, L. 2004. “Mulheres brasileiras na mídia portuguesa”. Cadernos Pagu, 23: 229-256. DOI https://doi.org/10.1590/S0104-83332004000200008
  » https://doi.org/10.1590/S0104-83332004000200008
• RIBEIRO, G. L. 2016. “Gramsci, Turner e Geertz: O fim da hegemonia do PT e o Golpe”. Revista de Antropologia da UFSCar, 8(2): 11-19. DOI: https://doi.org/10.52426/rau.v8i2.162.
  » https://doi.org/10.52426/rau.v8i2.162
• ROJAS COPPARI, P. 2019. Liminal lives: How Ireland’s labour migration regime entraps migrant households in hyper-precarity Maynooth, Tese de doutorado, National University of Ireland Maynooth, 2019. 257. pp.
• ROSAS, F. 2001. “O salazarismo e o homem novo: ensaio sobre o Estado Novo e a questão do totalitarismo”. Análise Social, 35 (157): 1031-1054. DOI: https://www.jstor.org/stable/41011481
  » https://www.jstor.org/stable/41011481
• RUHS, M. 2003. Emerging trends and patterns in the immigration and employment of non-EU nationals in Ireland: What the data reveal Policy Institute Working Paper, 6. The Policy Institute, Trinity College Dublin.
• SEF/GEPF. 2017. Relatório de Imigração, Fronteiras e Asilo 2017 Oeiras, Serviço de Estrangeiros e Fronteiras.
• SEF/GEPF. 2022. Relatório de Imigração, Fronteiras e Asilo 2021 Oeiras, Serviço de Estrangeiros e Fronteiras.
• SEYFERTH, G. 1986. “Etnicidade”. In: SILVA, Benedicto (org.). Dicionário de Ciências Sociais. Rio de Janeiro, Fundação Getulio Vargas. 436.
• SILVA, M. C. da. 2019. Migração e qualidade de vida: caso dos brasileiros na Irlanda em dois momentos 2008 e 2018 Curitiba, Dissertação de mestrado, Universidade Tecnológica Federal do Paraná, 2019. 101 pp.
• SILVA, R. 2016. “Imigrantes goianas na Irlanda: Agências e interpretações”. Revista Latino-Americana de Geografia e Gênero, 7(2): 54-75. Disponível em file:///home/igor/Downloads/alides,+4_Artigo_Reijane_OK.pdf.
• SILVA, R. P. da. 2011. O sertanejo além-mar: identidade regional e imigração goiana na República da Irlanda Porto Alegre, Tese de doutorado, Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Sul, 2011. 294 p.
• SOARES, A. G. 2014. O Brasil na Irlanda: vidas em deslocamento na mobilidade contemporânea São Paulo, Dissertação de mestrado, Faculdade de Filosofia, Letras e Ciências Humanas da Universidade de São Paulo. 2014. 152p.
• TRUZZI, O. M. S. 1997. “The right place at the right time: Syrians and Lebanese in Brazil and the United States, a comparative approach”. Journal of American Ethnic History, 16(2): 3-34. DOI: https://www.jstor.org/stable/27502161
  » https://www.jstor.org/stable/27502161
• VALE DE ALMEIDA, M. 2005. “Crioulização e fantasmagoria”. Anuário Antropológico 30(1): 33-49. Disponível em: https://periodicos.unb.br/index.php/anuarioantropologico/article/view/6918
  » https://periodicos.unb.br/index.php/anuarioantropologico/article/view/6918
• VASCONCELOS, I. dos S. 2021. “Desejáveis” e “indesejáveis”: diferencialidades e paradoxos no acolhimento de venezuelanos/as em Roraima e no Amazonas São Carlos, Tese de Doutorado, Universidade Federal de São Carlos. 2021.
• VILLAR, D. 2004. “Uma abordagem crítica do conceito de “etnicidade” na obra de Fredrik Barth”. Mana, 10(1): 165-192. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1590/S0104-93132004000100006.
  » https://doi.org/10.1590/S0104-93132004000100006
• ZOU, M. 2015. “The legal construction of hyper-dependence and hyper-precarity in migrant work relations”. International Journal of Comparative Labour Law and Industrial Relations, 31(2): 141-162. Disponível em: https://ssrn.com/abstract=2747823
  » https://ssrn.com/abstract=2747823

• 1
  Here, we are referring to the experience of Brazilians in Porto in 2000. Subsequently, the experiences of Brazilian immigration in Portugal have varied greatly, as seen in other works (Machado & Reis, 2007; Machado et al., 2009).
• 2
  Here, we use the racial classification categories used by the IBGE.
• 3
  In this text, we must emphasise that we are talking about differences within immigrant populations based on racial orders. However, these are not all we have to say about differentiations within immigrant communities. An analysis that focuses on the gender category will certainly produce other designs of exclusion marked by these intersectionalities. On this subject, see (Piscitelli, 2008; Neves et al., 2016; Gomes, 2018; Morais et al., 2021), among others. However, We do not explore these possibilities in this text.
• 4
  The following works stand out: (Almeida, 2021; Lopez, 2019; Branco-Pereira, 2019; Marchini, 2021; Vasconcelos, 2021; Cunha, 2023; Carneiro da Silva, 2023).
• 5
  In this paragraph, we use the emic classifications of this refugee population, characterised as “black” and not “black or brown”. See the work of Branco-Pereira 2021.
• 6
  Data at https://www.cso.ie/en/releasesandpublications/ep/p-cpsr/censusofpopulation2022-summaryresults/migrationanddiversity/ accessed on 25 March 2024.
• 7
  See https://www.cso.ie/en/releasesandpublications/ep/p-cpsr/censusofpopulation2022-summaryresults/migrationanddiversity/.
• 8
  For a more systematic discussion of the concept of ethnicity, see (Villar, 2004)
• 9
  Using Ingold’s (2007) weaving metaphors and the idea of a “line”, we consider the processes of producing differences in emigrant families in Governador Valadares and among Japanese descendants in Brazil. We found that differentiality is a valuable concept for thinking about the intense production of differences between a group of people who, using another concept, would share something like an “ethnicity or collective identity”. We have seen ethnographically that “ethnicity” and “identity” are not enough to understand the intense production of differences between groups that these concepts tend to construct a priori. Working without contours, limits and borders has allowed us to identify more fluid collectives influenced by shared dynamics of life experience: shared life and the production of a common morality, a set of values, collective habits, and the construction of bodies. To think about infinitesimal differences, we use the metaphor of interlacing: loose threads that come together in tangles within tangles. Differentialities describe this infinitesimal process of producing differences, based on Ingold’s weaving metaphors: ball of yarn, tangles, threads.
• Funding:
  Research funded by FAPESP, process 20/03242-9

Publication Dates

• Publication in this collection
  07 Apr 2025
• Date of issue
  2024

History

• Received
  14 Aug 2023
• Accepted
  03 May 2024