PUBLIC POLICIES FOR EDUCATIONAL SPORTS: THE MANAGEMENT OF THE “SEGUNDO TEMPO PROGRAM” IN BRAZIL FROM 2003 TO 2024Abstract
The objective is to analyze the management of the Segundo Tempo Program (PST), based on its objectives, target audience, quantitative goals, workforce, civil society participation, and social control. This is a descriptive qualitative study with a temporal scope spanning from 2003 and 2024. Based on document analysis, the following categories were established: objectives; target audience; quantitative goals; workforce; participation and social control. The results showed that, although the PST proposed the democratization of educational sports, it prioritized children, adolescents and young people in social vulnerability, based on a functional-utilitarian conception of sports. Over the years, the quantitative goals of the PST fluctuated, while the number of professionals and the role of the federal government were reduced, increasingly concentrating responsibilities within partner organizations. Social control within the PST was bureaucratic, with no participation from civil society.
Keywords
Public Policy; Management; Physical Education; Sports
Resumo
O objetivo é analisar a gestão do Programa Segundo Tempo (PST) a partir dos objetivos, público-alvo, metas quantitativas, equipe de trabalho, participação da sociedade civil e mecanismos de controle social. Trata-se de uma pesquisa descritiva, de abordagem qualitativa, com recorte temporal entre 2003 e 2024. A partir de uma análise documental, foram definidas as seguintes categorias: objetivos; público-alvo; metas quantitativas; equipe de trabalho; participação e controle social. Os resultados demonstraram que, embora o PST apontasse para uma perspectiva de democratização do esporte educacional, ocorreu a focalização em crianças, adolescentes e jovens em vulnerabilidade social, com base em uma concepção funcional-utilitarista do esporte. Ao longo dos anos, as metas quantitativas do PST oscilaram e o número de profissionais da equipe de trabalho e o papel do governo federal foi reduzido, o que concentrou responsabilidades nas entidades conveniadas. O controle social no PST ocorreu de forma burocrática, sem a participação da sociedade civil.
Palavras-chave
Política Pública; Gestão; Educação Física; Esporte
Resumen
El objetivo es analizar la gestión del Programa Segundo Tiempo (PST) a partir de los objetivos, público objetivo, metas cuantitativas, equipo de trabajo, participación de la sociedad civil y control social. Se trata de una investigación descriptiva, de enfoque cualitativo, con un recorte temporal comprendido entre 2003 y 2024. A partir de un análisis documental, se establecieron las siguientes categorías: objetivos; público objetivo; metas cuantitativas; equipo de trabajo; participación y control social. Los resultados demostraron que, aunque el PST propuso una perspectiva de democratización del deporte educativo, se produjo una focalización en niños, adolescentes y jóvenes en situación de vulnerabilidad social, basada en una concepción funcional-utilitarista del deporte. A lo largo de los años, las metas cuantitativas del PST oscilaron, y tanto el número de profesionales del equipo de trabajo como el rol del gobierno federal se redujeron, concentrando así las responsabilidades en las entidades conveniadas. El control social en el PST se dio de manera burocrática, sin participación de la sociedad civil.
Palabras clave
Política Pública; Gestíon; Educación Física; Deporte
1 INTRODUCTION1
The 1988 Federal Constitution, in its article 217, recognized sport as a right and prioritized the allocation of public resources to the manifestation of educational sports (Brazil, 1988). In this context, two sub-constitutional laws were enacted: Law No. 8,672, of July 6, 1993, and Law No. 9,615, of March 24, 1998, which categorized sports into three manifestations: educational sports, played in educational systems and in non-systematic forms of education; participatory sports, as a form of leisure; and high-performance sports, played with national and international rules (Brazil, 1998).
From the materialization of legal provisions, sports were understood as a right and an instrument of citizenship, capable of meeting basic social needs (Athayde et al., 2016). Despite the progress made, in the 1990s there was a shortage of funding for the structuring of sports programs, a context marked by the neoliberal counter-reforms2 during the mandates of the Fernando Henrique Cardoso administration (1995-2002) (Matias, 2013).
In 2003, during the government of Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (2003-2010), the Ministry of Sports [Ministério do Esporte] (MESP) was created, composed of three secretariats aimed at serving the different sports manifestations: the National Secretariat for Educational Sports [Secretaria Nacional de Esporte Educacional] (SNEED), the National Secretariat for Sports Development and Leisure [Secretaria Nacional de Desenvolvimento do Esporte e Lazer] (SNDEL), and the National Secretariat for High-Performance Sports [Secretaria Nacional de Alto Rendimento] (SNEAR). In this context, the creation of the Second Half Program [Programa Segundo Tempo] (PST) in 2003 stands out as the main policy for access to educational sports (Silva et al., 2023).
The PST emerged from the need to reverse social inequality, based on the principles of co-education, cooperation, co-responsibility, inclusion, cultural and social aspects, regionalism, totality and emancipation (Brazil, 2011, 2016, 2018, 2023b).
The PST was created from Interministerial Decree No. 3,497, of November 25, 2003, between MESP and the Ministry of Education [Ministério da Educação] (MEC), for the benefit of the country’s public-school students, implemented through sports activities outside of school hours, from the perspective of comprehensive education. In 2009, the program expanded into three strands: Standard PST (the first core-based model); University PST, offering sports activities to students at Higher Education Institutions (HEIs), and Parasport PST, aimed at providing educational sports for people with disabilities from the age of 6 (Silva et al., 2023).
In 2011, during the government of Dilma Vana Rousseff (2010-2016), MESP was restructured. In 2016, with the impeachment of Dilma Rousseff, the Michel Miguel Elias Temer Lulia administration (2016-2018) began, which adopted a discourse of fiscal crisis, with the deepening of the neoliberal economic agenda, impacting sports programs (such as the PST) (Matias, 2021). As of 2016, many sports programs reduced their national reach. The sports policy that had been under development since 2003 was discontinued (Taffarel; Santos Junior, 2019).
Neoliberal and conservative proposals intensified during the government of Jair Messias Bolsonaro (2019-2022), MESP was extinguished and the Special Secretariat for Sports was created, subordinated to the Ministry of Citizenship [Ministério da Cidadania] (MC), which represented a setback for the field (Carneiro; Athayde; Mascarenhas, 2019). The PST continued with SNELIS, but under the responsibility of the MC. An expression of this process was the reduction in budgetary resources allocated to the Sports and Leisure Function [Função Desporte e Lazer] (FDL) in 2013. The peak of investments occurred in 2014, when the federal government invested R$ 1.78 billion in the FDL. In contrast, in 2019, a year before the Covid-19 pandemic, the amount fell to R$ 0.25 billion. The lowest value recorded in the period was in 2020, with only R$ 0.13 billion allocated to the function (Carneiro et al., 2024).
In an international context, Dogliotti and Paez (2024) identified similar patterns in Uruguay. Under progressive governments, such as those of the Broad Front (2005-2019), there was an expansion of programs for access to sports. In contrast, under conservative administrations, such as that of Luis Alberto Lacalle Pau (2020-2024), there were cuts in public investments.
In January 2023, Lula’s third term began (2023-present), and the PST was mentioned in the transition report. MESP was recreated and restructured into five secretariats: National Secretariat for Sports Excellence [Secretaria Nacional de Excelência Esportiva] (SNE); National Secretariat for Football and Defense of Fan Rights [Secretaria Nacional de Futebol e Defesa dos Direitos do Torcedor] (SNFDDT); National Secretariat for Paralympic Sports [Secretaria Nacional de Paradesporto] (SNPAR); National Secretariat for Sports Betting and Economic Development of Sports [Secretaria Nacional de Apostas Esportivas e de Desenvolvimento Econômico do Esporte] (SNAEDE); and National Secretariat for Amateur Sports, Education, Leisure and Social Inclusion [Secretaria Nacional de Esporte Amador, Educação, Lazer e Inclusão Social] (SNEAELIS), which became responsible for the PST (Brazil, 2023a; Ramos et al., 2025). In 2023, MESP published an update to the National Guidelines [Diretrizes Nacionais] (DNs) of the Standard PST, which provided guidance and procedures for the period from 2023 to 2026 (Brazil, 2023b).
Considering that the PST has national scope, is linked to education, has institutional longevity, and there is a gap in research with more recent timeframes (Silva et al., 2023), this article is justified. In this context, the following question was raised: how was the management of the PST set up from 2003 to 2024 in terms of its objectives, target audience, quantitative goal, workforce, civil society participation, and social control? Thus, the objective is to analyze the management of the PST based on the following dimensions: objectives, target audience, quantitative goal, workforce, civil society participation, and democratic social control.
2 METHODOLOGY
This is a qualitative research study, interpretive in nature, due to the type of analysis, recording, and interpretation of the object examined (Bogdan; Biklen, 2003).
The analysis adopted was documentary, based on the search and organization of materials as a way to understand their totality, which included a preliminary reading of the documents, definition of the empirical universe, the units of analysis and the categories (Rodríguez, 2004). Documentary analysis enabled an institutional reading and is justified by its capacity for historical traceability, which allows for understanding the advances and setbacks of the policies. However, its main limitation lies in the inability to consider data that has not been recorded or is no longer publicly available. The research timeframe encompassed the period from 2003 to 2024, justified by the creation of the PST and the fact that the latter year has already ended.
Data was collected through the official MESP3 website and the Digital Repository of the Federal University of Rio Grande do Sul [Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Sul] (UFRGS)4, which preserves the memory of the PST. All selected documents are in the public domain, as listed below: DNs of the PST (2008, 2011, 2014, 2016, 2017, 2018, 2019, 2020, 2022 and 2023-2026), in addition to two special versions of the DNs: Special Edition – Modalities (2013) and Special Edition – Social Legacy (2014). Moreover, an analysis of scientific production was carried out to complement the data from the DNs that are no longer available for access (2003-2010).
The categories that make up the analysis were established prior to data collection (Rodríguez, 2004), with the aim of answering the research question. The categories of analysis were: a) objectives, target audience, and quantitative goal of beneficiaries; b) workforce; and c) participation and democratic social control.
3 RESULTS AND DISCUSSION
3.1 PST’S OBJECTIVES, TARGET AUDIENCE AND QUATITATIVE GOAL OF BENEFICIARIES
From the analysis, it was possible to identify that the program was intended to democratize educational sports, primarily for children, adolescents and young people in social vulnerability/risk situations, with an emphasis on political action targeting.
In the first DNs of the PST from 2003 to 2005/2006, there was a close connection to the school context and Physical Education, but with a perspective of access to sports in a generic way. As of the 2007/2008 DNs, there is a noticeable shift towards non-formal education, followed by a change related to the functionalist character of sports. In the 2018/2020/2021 DNs, bodily practices were incorporated as content for educational sports. In the 2023 DNs, the emphasis was on access to physical and sporting activities, which shows a movement of dispute that has been ongoing over the years.
For Silva (2014, p. 18), bodily practices “[...] are phenomena that are primarily shown at the bodily level, constituting cultural manifestations, such as games, dances, gymnastics, sports, martial arts, acrobatics, among others”.
The objectives of the PST fluctuated according to the political context, with highlight to: social inclusion (2005/2006, 2007/2008, 2011, 2014.1/2014.2 and 2016); civic education and community integration (2003); physical well-being, health promotion, human development and exercise of citizenship (2005/2006); use of idle time (2007/2008 and 2011); integral development and schooling expansion (2023). There is a polysemy in the justification of the policy by MESP.
Flausino and Mascarenhas (2012) point out that the official discourses that legitimize sports policies are marked by a functional-utilitarian character. Athayde (2011, p. 200) states that social sports programs are related to the “Savior of the Nation syndrome”, an “almost divine, demigod-like condition, different from other phenomena, capable of fighting all sorts of social ills”.
Melo (2007) corroborates the criticism by stressing the growth of projects related to educational sports, with the discourse of social inclusion, however, focused on social groups exposed to “social risks”. From a salvationist perspective, sports have a conception of common sense and social redemption that reinforces a welfare-oriented approach at the expense of a universalist one.
Another aspect present in the PST’s objectives was the focus on the agenda of mega sporting events during Dilma’s government. The 2013 DN (Special Edition – Modalities) and the 2014 DN (Special Edition – Social Legacy Project) sought to align the program with the Olympic Games and the World Cup (Brazil, 2013, 2014a), which highlights the presence of high-performance sports reproduction in an educational program.
Despite the PST presenting the democratization of access to educational sports in the DNs, it paradoxically maintains the activities targeted at children, adolescents and young people in social vulnerability/risk situations. This contradiction will be explored further in the analysis of the PST’s target audience (Chart 2).
Both in terms of the PST’s objectives and target audience, the focus on children, adolescents and young people predominates. The 2023 DNs broaden the scope by including adults. The 2013 DNs of the PST defined the difference between “social risk” and social vulnerability:
[...] social risk results from deficiencies that contribute to a degradation of the living conditions of society and that can be expressed in housing conditions, that is, a gap between current conditions and the minimum required for human development, such as access to basic services [...] social vulnerability is the negative result of the relationship between the availability of material or symbolic resources of actors, whether individuals or groups, and access to the structure of social, economic and cultural opportunities
(Brazil, 2013, p. 8).
Despite the distinction between “social risk” and social vulnerability, the categories are used interchangeably, which dilutes their specificities. As of the 2007/2008 DNs, the targeting bias became dominant, with the inclusion of “social risk”.
Melo (2005) argues that the PST targeted its actions at poor youth, with a mystifying discourse about the “potentialities” of sports. According to Carneiro (2013, p. 89):
[...] mystifying discourses are directed, above all, at a segment of the population, namely poor children and young people, since sports, in addition to being a redeemer from social ills for youth, is presented as an element of social control, having the task of disciplining and controlling bad impulses, thus promoting ‘civilized sociability’.
Draibe (1993) identifies targeting as a structural characteristic of social policies in a neoliberal environment, since the State should only intervene in the welfare field, and only the poorest sectors of society should benefit from social spending. Melo (2007) reinforces that the targeting of sports actions is supported by the argument of greater urgency for funding, but it obscures the fact that the wealthiest segments will have access in the private sector within the logic of sports as a commodity. Athayde (2009, p. 117) adds that targeting individuals in situations of “social risk” in sports programs “[...] cannot constitute mere welfare, supported by a compensatory logic that trivializes poverty and the situation in which these children find themselves.”
The targeting proposal in the DNs of the PST created a dual system as to the guarantee of the right to educational sports. The wealthiest segments of society access sports activities in the private sector, while the poorest ones access targeted social programs. This contradiction distances the PST from the concept of democratizing sports as a right. Silva, Borges and Amaral (2015), in their research on public policies for sports and leisure in Brazil, showed that the targeting of actions constitutes a structuring axis of the political actions of MESP, not only of the PST.
Although the PST’s objectives are geared towards public schools, the targeting of its actions reveals an out-of-school component. The use of “idle time” reinforces the technical-instrumental and welfare-oriented vision of the PST, centered on standardized procedures, and treats individuals as passive recipients, thus limiting the transformative potential of the public policy.
Another indicator analyzed was the quantitative goal of PST beneficiaries. In the different DNs and in the analysis of scientific production, it was possible to identify a variation in the number of beneficiaries per core – between 70 and 200 beneficiaries. (Chart 3).
According to Melo (2007), the need to meet the quantitative goal emphasizes the managerial logic of the PST’s management.
From its early years of implementation, the PST faced difficulties in expanding access to sports activities. In 2004, a report by the Federal Court of Accounts [Tribunal de Contas da União] (TCU) revealed that 49.9% of the cores served fewer people than the goal set by the DNs, and 53% did not respect the principle that the most vulnerable should have priority (Matias, 2010).
Athayde (2009) criticized the expansionist character of the PST, supported by a broad advertising campaign and by a form of political “billboarding”. Although the program promotes the spread of sports as a vehicle for social inclusion, there is a clear prioritization of high-performance sports.
These issues can be observed in the development of the DNs in their early years, in which the objectives and target audience were directed towards public schools. The quantitative goals in the initial years were higher, with the exception of the DNs – Special Editions (2013 and 2014). Studies carried out by Souza, Souza and Castro (2013) and Colombo et al. (2012) pointed to the difficulty in meeting quantitative goals due to participant dropout and inadequate infrastructure.
According to Ramos (2023), the TCU report (2019) reinforced that public basic education schools do not have equipment conducive to the practice of educational sports, which imposes serious limitations on the expansion of the PST in the school context in different regions of the country.
The quantitative goals illustrate the managerial logic (Paula, 2005), centered on efficiency, with the exception of the 2023 DNs (Brazil, 2023b), which lowered the quantitative goal to 85% in justifiable cases. The homogeneous imposition of the goal disregards the territorial, cultural, and socioeconomic diversity of Brazil. Thus, the analysis of the general objective, target audience, and quantitative goal of beneficiaries of the PST highlights the transformations of the policy according to the political context.
3.2 PST’S WORKFORCE
Another issue analyzed was Workforce. The 2023 DNs describe “Workforce,” but between 2008 and 2011, “Human Resources” was used, and between 2013 and 2021, “Professionals” was used. The most recent nomenclature was considered, also because it is more appropriate when referring to PST workers. The structure of the PST’s Workforce has undergone several refinements over the years (Chart 4).
Regarding the composition of the Workforce in the PST agreements, this study did not identify data on scientific production and the DNs prior to 2010. The only reference identified was from the material concerning the annual lecture series for PST coordinators in 2008, which addressed the structure of “Human Resources”.
In 2008, the plan was to appoint one General Coordinator per agreement, a professional with a higher education degree and experience in managing sports and educational projects, responsible for the execution of the agreement. For each core of 200 beneficiaries, one coordinator and two to three sports monitors were provided for (Oliveira; Perim, 2008).
In 2011, the Workforce was expanded with the addition of the Pedagogical Coordinator, a professional with a higher education degree in Physical Education or Sports, with pedagogical experience in planning and supervising projects, who works alongside the General Coordinator. There was also the inclusion of the Sector Coordinator, a professional with a higher education degree in Physical Education or Sports, with experience in developing community actions, organizing and supervising projects, in support of the General Coordinator and Pedagogical Coordinator (Brazil, 2011).
As for carrying out the activities with the beneficiaries, two more professionals were provided for: the Core Coordinator, a professional with a higher education degree in Physical Education or Sports, to support the structuring of the core together with the General and Pedagogical Coordinators (Brazil, 2011); and the Physical Education or Sports Student (who replaced the Sports Monitor of the 2011 DNs), who, together with the Core Coordinator, developed the monthly and weekly planning of sports activities (Brazil, 2011).
Analyzing the main changes in the management of the PST, between 2011 and 2024, it was identified that there was a reduction in the number of professionals in the Workforce, without reducing the quantitative goal of the service, except for the 2011 and 2023 DCs, when it was proposed at 100 beneficiaries. In the 2011 DNs of the PST, there was planning for hiring one General Coordinator, one Administrative Technician, one Core Coordinator, and one Sports Activity Monitor (replaced from the 2014 DNs of the PST by a Physical Education or Sports Student) per core. The Sector Coordinator was planned from 20 cores within the same agreement (a role extinguished as of the 2018 DNs of the PST). The Pedagogical Coordinator was planned from 10 cores within the same agreement (a role extinguished as of the 2020/2021 DNs of the PST).
In contrast, the Special Edition – Modalities DNs did not plan for the hiring of a Physical Education or Sports Student, and the organization and development of the activities was the responsibility of the Physical Education or Sports Teacher (Brazil, 2013). As of the 2013 DNs, the hiring of the General Coordinator became the responsibility of the proposing entity, without the possibility of considering it as a counterpart contribution (Brazil, 2013).
In the 2020/2021 DNs of the PST, the hiring of one Physical Education or Sports Teacher and one Physical Education or Sports Student per core was provided for. The General Coordinator and the +Brazil Platform Liaison (which replaced the administrative technician/SICONV Liaison) continued to be the responsibility of the partner entity (Brazil, 2020).
In summary, in the DNs, it is possible to observe that, over the years, the partner entity concentrated more responsibilities, while the federal government has reduced its role and funding, without changing the quantitative goal for number of beneficiaries. In 2018, the dismantling of the Workforce intensified, with the extinguishment of the positions of Sector and Pedagogical Coordinator. The decentralization of responsibilities was not accompanied by a decentralization of resources, which resembled managerial management and neoliberal rationality, as discussed by Paula (2005).
In the case of the PST, a cut was made to federal government social spending on payments to professionals, and the partner organization began paying the amounts to most professionals, without changing the quantitative goal.
In the 2023 DNs, the +Brazil Platform Liaison was replaced by the Liaison for the Federal Government’s Voluntary Transfer System (Transferegov), a professional linked to the partner entity, who is responsible for the technical matters of the agreement. The Pedagogical Coordinator (a role that was extinguished in the 2020 DNs) was reinstated, with remuneration linked to MESP in agreements with more than three cores (Brazil, 2023b). In both roles, in 2023, MESP will again fund the resources with the PST workers in order to support agreements with more than 3 cores.
Based on the analysis of the Workforce, it was observed that the transformations in the PST reflect different political and economic moments in Brazil. As of 2018, fiscal austerity measures highlighted the reduction of positions, as well as the transfer of financial responsibilities to partner entities.
3.3 PARTICIPATION AND DEMOCRATIC CONTROL IN THE PST
The last aspect of the PST analyzed concerns the participation of civil society and democratic control5. The 2011 DNs of the PST made reference to “social control,” in accordance with the constitutional principles of participatory governance:
In accordance with the principles of governance and governability, from the perspective of representative and participatory democracy, as highlighted by the 1988 Federal Constitution, which incorporated community participation in the management of public policies. [...] it establishes, as a requirement, the designation of a social control entity to monitor the activities of the projects formalized with each of the partner entities
(Brazil, 2011, p. 31).
The social control entities are responsible for “[...] overseeing the execution of the agreement and monitoring the activities developed by the local project, filling out and submitting a form to the Ministry of Sports, with operational aspects”. In case of improprieties, MESP must be notified (Brazil, 2011, p. 32).
Research by Silva et al. (2023) reported only one PST article discussing management and democratic control. It is the article by Matias (2013, p. 19), when it mentioned that, although official documents point to democratization, decentralization and participation, a logic of centralization contradictorily prevails. To advance participation, mechanisms that encourage and value democratic control would be necessary.
Souza, Souza and Castro (2013), when investigating a municipality in the southern region of the country, highlighted the absence of coordination between the PST and civil society, as well as a lack of autonomy and support for social control entities. Colombo et al. (2012), when discussing the difficulties in the PST agreement in Criciúma, SC, reinforced these difficulties in bringing civil society and the management of the core closer together. Duarte et al. (2024), when analyzing the channels of civil society participation in public sports policies in Campo Grande, MS, highlight that this participation is still limited, with low autonomy and little independence in proposing public policies. According to Athayde (2009), we have a civil society that still needs to develop the habit of participating in political decisions.
The analysis of the program’s DNs reveals that civil society participation is merely formal. Participation is reduced to a visit and the delivery of a report, a task that is more related to managerial management. There were no significant changes in the editions of the DNs related to democratic control. The 2023 DNs of the PST highlighted the importance of the citizen’s role in monitoring public policies “[...] individually or through their associative and representative entities,” but in an imprecise way. Finally, it was emphasized that it is “[...] a right of citizenship: to ensure the proper use of public resources” (Brazil, 2023b, p. 18). In short, civil society participation remains limited to training procedures, without room for collective construction. As for the responsibilities of the democratic control body in the 2023 DNs, it was observed that they were already present in the previous editions of 2016/2018 (Chart 5).
In the 2020/2021 DNs, the responsibilities of the democratic control entity were suppressed, further reducing civil society participation during the Bolsonaro administration. Beyond social control, political coordination with civil society would be necessary, especially regarding the planning and execution of actions in the PST cores. Although there are indications of a management style with societal characteristics, a restriction on bureaucratic procedures was evident, which diminishes the democratic potential of collective participation and collective interests.
4 CONCLUSION
In order to analyze the PST’s management from 2003 to 2024, this research indicated that there were similarities with aspects of social management by pointing to the democratization of access to educational sports. However, the target being children, adolescents, and young people in social vulnerability/risk situations, coupled with the influence of mega sports events, highlights the logic of managerial management and the difficulty of materializing the program.
Over the years, it was possible to observe a progressive cost reduction and a decrease in the number of professionals in the PST agreements, without reducing the quantitative goal of beneficiaries. This process intensified from 2016 onwards, with the transfer of financial responsibilities to the partner entities and the extinguishment of positions provided for in the DNs, marking a shift towards managerial management.
Although the PST’s documents mention mechanisms for social control, the participation of civil society is limited to bureaucratic actions. The research identified gaps in this regard, indicating the need for further studies on how social control entities function in different agreements in Brazil, by means of methodologies that go beyond document analysis, considering the limitations of this study as to the aspects involving management and social participation.
Despite the longevity of the PST across different governments, it has not been implemented as a state policy, as evidenced by the changes that have occurred in its objectives, target audience, and the composition of the Workforce. In 2023, the PST returns to the government’s political agenda, with the launch of a call for proposals to formalize new MESP agreements; however, they were not implemented until 2024.
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FUNDING
This study was carried out with the support of the Coordination for the Improvement of Higher Education Personnel - Brazil [Coorderação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior] (CAPES) - Funding Code 001.
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HOW TO REFERENCE
RAMOS, Juliana Marta Antunes; DUARTE, Samira Lopes; CARNEIRO, Fernando Henrique Silva; SILVA, Dirceu Santos. Políticas Públicas de Esporte Educacional: a gestão do Programa Segundo Tempo no Brasil de 2003 a 2024. Movimento, v. 32, p. e32005, Jan./Dec. 2026. DOI: https://doi.org/10.22456/1982-8918.147344.
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1
This article is derived from Juliana Marta Antunes Ramos’s master’s thesis in the Federal University of Mato Grosso do Sul, with updated data from recent years, further explored by the authors in this article. Link: https://repositorio.ufms.br/handle/123456789/5645
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2
With the crisis of capitalism in 1960, the State reorganized itself and neoliberalism began to guide public policies, with counter-reforms and the dismantling of social rights (Behring; Boschetti, 2016). Mandel (1982) characterizes the State as an ideal total capitalist, whose function is reorganized in guaranteeing the general conditions of production and reproduction of capital. Based on neoliberal premises, social spending came to be understood as an element of the supposed fiscal crisis (Draibe, 1993), and in the Brazilian context, in the 1990s, the managerial aspect of public administration, anchored in neoliberal and business logic, gained prominence to the detriment of a social aspect with greater participation from civil society. Societal management is characterized by collective and democratic decision-making (Paula, 2005).
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3
BRAZIL. Ministry of Sports. Available at: https://www.gov.br/esporte/pt-br
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4
FEDERAL UNIVERSITY OF RIO GRANDE DO SUL (UFRGS). LUME Digital Repository. Available at: https://lume.ufrgs.br/
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5
Additionally: “Democratic control is understood as the control of citizens over the State and over society itself, as opposed to the term social control, which, in its original formulation by the sociologist Émile Durkheim, means the control of the State over individuals” (Pereira, 2009, p. 10). 95). However, we will maintain the term “social control” as a synonym whenever it appears in the analyzed documents.
AVAILABILITY OF RESEARCH DATA:
Research data is only available upon request.
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Edited by
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EDITORIAL RESPONSABILITY
Alex Branco Fraga* https://orcid.org/0000-0002-6881-1446Elisandro Schultz Wittizorecki* https://orcid.org/0000-0001-7825-0358Mauro Myskiw* https://orcid.org/0000-0003-4689-3804Raquel da Silveira* https://orcid.org/0000-0001-8632-0731* Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Sul, Escola de Educação Física, Fisioterapia e Dança, Porto Alegre, RS, Brazil.
