THE STAR OF THE BASILICA: A CRITICAL REINTERPRETATION OF A VISUAL ALLEGORY - (1777-1791)¹

Abstract

This study proposes a critical reinterpretation of a renowned allegorical portrait asso- ciated with the Marian project of the Royal Convent of the Heart of Jesus in Lisbon. Us- ing both iconographic and literary sources, it seeks to demonstrate, through the icono- graphic method, the significance of writing and imagery for an authentic and accurate interpretation of the iconographic program, in which the book and illustration are inte- grated. Given the content of the engraving, this case study focuses on panegyric art, em- phasizing the mutual appreciation it fostered between the panegyrist and the person being honored. The main objective is to deepen the understanding of how writing and visual art complemented each other in conveying political messages in service of the crown during the 18th century.

Keywords
Iconography; Allegory; Engraving; Royal Propaganda; Ancien Régime in Portugal

Resumo

Propõe-se a reinterpretação crítica de um famoso retrato alegórico associado ao projeto do Real Convento do Coração de Jesus, em Lisboa. Por meio de fontes iconográficas e literárias, busca-se demonstrar, utilizando o método iconográfico, a relevância da escrita e da imagem para uma identificação autêntica e correta interpretação do programa iconográfico no qual o livro e a ilustração se inserem. Dado o conteúdo da gravura em questão, este estudo foca na arte panegírica, evidenciando a mútua valorização que ela gerava, de modo diferenciado, entre o panegirista e o homenageado. O objetivo principal é aprofundar a compreensão da complementaridade entre escrita e arte visual na comunicação de mensagens políticas a serviço da coroa no século XVIII.

Palavras-chave:
Iconografia; Alegoria; Gravura; Propaganda Régia; Antigo Regime em Portugal

Introduction

In the realm of literary culture during the Ancien Régime, books and other printed publications frequently included illustrative engravings. These images could serve as mere ornamentation or, more importantly, could align with the text in a unified iconographic program. In such cases, mythological, religious, historical, or commemorative themes were depicted in images, functioning as “silent poetry” that visually recreated their literary counterpart, aiming to elevate the reader’s spirit. The use of allegory, whether written or illustrated, stood out as a privileged means of expression, particularly suited to the encomiastic purposes of courtly art, especially when it came to bestowing certain noble attributes upon a human figure.

Allegorical representations were effective in adapting to different types of audiences without descending into vulgarity. They could be aimed at a learned audience, intended to be interpreted by the most discerning - those who, through their virtue and merit, could grasp the deeper message. Furthermore, in contexts where the expression of thought was constrained, the allegorical formula could be used to encode the true meaning, making it accessible only to those who shared the sender’s mindset. Conversely, in more open environments, allegory made the message more accessible to the public by simplifying complex information, while still preserving the necessary level of sophistication: “(...) that [the allegory] is not so obscure that a Sibyl is needed as an interpreter, nor so clear that every commoner understands it (...)” (RUSCELLI, 1572 apud MACHADO DE CASTRO, 1810, p. 189). By invoking the sublime, allegorical language encouraged contemplation, transporting the audience into a majestic, sacred, and consequently exclusive realm. From an aesthetic standpoint, with its classical heritage and sophistication, allegorical representation stood out as inherently illustrious, with its enigmatic nature adding to its allure. In the context of works and publications, the use of allegorical imagery fostered a symbiotic relationship between visual and written language. This article seeks to elucidate this dynamic by analyzing an engraving selected as a case study, exploring both its specific meanings (iconography) and its broader, deeper significance (iconology). The focus is on the panegyric art, highlighting its political and cultural importance within the historical context of 18th-century Portugal.

In studying this allegorical portrait, the iconographic method is employed to trace a “history of motifs” within the artistic production under consideration (PANOFSKY, 1989 [1955], p. 22). The study begins with a preliminary analysis and gradually progresses towards a detailed identification of visual elements, aiming for a comprehensive understanding of the engraving’s meaning. Instead of presenting the three phases - pre-iconographic, iconographic, and iconological - in a linear sequence, the text adopts a more fluid and contextually integrated approach.

Iconography in Encomiastic Programs

Beyond their decorative purpose, the visual arts were aligned with literature in pursuing the common goal of politically enhancing the monarchy and the court. From the reign of King João V onwards, this propagandistic role became increasingly integral to royal politics, prompting substantial investments in the cultural sphere through both the importation of artworks and the commissioning of foreign artists. At the same time, the rise of scholarly academies enhanced the prestige and preservation of the monarchical order through literary endeavors, while furthering their own cultural mission. The founding of the Real Academia Portuguesa de História [Royal Academy of Portuguese History] in 1720 is particularly noteworthy. Its works, printed with its own typography, enjoyed the privilege of self-censorship and were provided with the finest engravings and bindings, in accordance with the wishes of King João V (MARQUES, 2014, p. 19; SOARES, 1971, p. 18).

Regarding the book arts, King José I likewise developed a keen interest, contributing to the establishment of a Portuguese school by creating the Impressão Régia [Royal Printing House] in 1768, thus continuing the bibliophilic legacy left by his father. In addition to various functions, this institution included a regulated class for training engravers. From then on, engravers, along with printers and bookbinders, gainedre cognition within the visual arts context, receiving prestigious salaries and some formal honors (FARIA, 2005, p. 33, 44, 150; SOARES, 1971, p. 22).

The work of Portuguese draftsmen and engravers has been highlighted by various scholars, including Cyrillo Volkmar Machado, who published Collecção de memórias, relativas às vidas dos pintores, e escultores, architetos, e gravadores portuguezes, e dos Estrangeiros, que estiverão em Portugal (1823). Bishop Count D. Francisco (Cardeal Saraiva) also contributed with his Lista de alguns artistas portugueses (1849), and his efforts in disseminating Portuguese iconography were supported by others. However, it was not until the third quarter of the 20th century that Ernesto Leandro Rodrigues Soares undertook a comprehensive and focused inventory on metal engraving artists. In his major and voluminous work, História da Gravura Artística em Portugal (1971), Ernesto Soares catalogues and attributes 1,500 prints to their respective authors, including detailed descriptions. This work represents a significant compilation effort, universally recognized by the academic community. Nonetheless, while it is a valuable source of information, its breadth may occasionally compromise the depth of the analysis conducted.

Interpreting the meaning of an engraving requires the careful application of the iconographic method developed by Erwin Panofsky, which emphasizes not only a focus on the visual elements of the work but also its historical, cultural, and social context. This method requires taking into account various external factors beyond the work itself. Specifically, it is important to consider any possible bibliographic context that might frame the engraving for accurate interpretation, as text and image may have been conceived as integral components of the same iconographic program, as previously discussed. The broader approach adopted in this study aims to offer deeper insights into the culture, circumstances, and values that influenced the role of this visual art in the mutualistic relationship between literate elites and royal power. By doing so, the study highlights the engraving’s significance as a historical document, reflecting the socio-political and cultural dynamics of its time.

Joaquim Machado de Castro and the Art of Allegory in Portuguese Engraving

As a true successor to a policy dedicated to advancing the arts and sciences in Portugal, King José I aimed to achieve a groundbreaking artistic feat that would allow his country to surpass the achievements of other civilized nations. To this end, he decided to commission an equestrian statue in his own honor, which would be cast in a single pour for the first time. The production was entirely national “(…) without anything coming from abroad (…)”, and aimed to demonstrate the ingenuity of the Portuguese, who were no longer constrained by merely good taste and the financial means to import foreign artists. The project therefore represented a significant ambition for the Portuguese court, involving considerable effort and technical expertise in an unprecedented endeavor.

After the sumptuous and well-designed buildings of Lisbon had demonstrated the greatness of Architecture, including the imposing equestrian statue, the superb and delicate pedestal, the elevation and placement of these monumental elements; and the exquisite engraving that successively showcased to the public the merits of these highly challenging works - all execut- ed by Portuguese hands -, it vividly demonstrates to foreigners that Portugal has no reason to envy them, whether in its draftsmen, painters, sculptors, most renowned founders, or its most skilled and expert machinists.

This was stated by the Marquis of Pombal in his Observações Secretíssimas (1776, p. 82-83). Similarly, Joaquim Machado de Castro remarked in his Descrição Analítica:

All polished and cultured nations, from the time of flourishing Greece to the century in which we live, have earnestly and with worthy praise endeavored to erect statues, both equestrian and pedestrian, (...) for public monuments are signs that, at first glance, immediately reveal the degree of civilization and knowledge that the people possess in the sciences and arts (CASTRO, 1810, p. X).

In truth, due to the earthquake, King José, unlike his Magnanimous father, was unable to showcase his prestige and glory through monumental construction, as the impetus of the Josephine construction effort was absorbed by the immediate needs of rebuilding the ruined heritage³. Hence, the political significance of the equestrian statue, symbolically positioned at the center of the new Praça do Comércio, was precisely to exalt the generosity and determination of the Reformer in the immense task of reconstructing the capital of the kingdom. The royal virtue is allegorically sculpted in bas-relief on the rear face of the statue’s pedestal, copied from an engraving designed by the sculptor himself, Joaquim Machado de Castro.

Illustration 1
CASTRO, Machado de, 1731-1822 (Engraver); J.M.C. (Designer). Allegory of Portuguese Monarchy. 1795. Etching, b&w. Biblioteca Nacional de Portugal, Lisbon, Portugal. Available at: https://purl.pt/12558. Accessed on 20 Nov. 2023.

In the book Descrição Analítica, Machado de Castro provides a detailed explanation of his engraving [Illustration 1], which allegorizes Royal Generosity⁴. Before delving into specifics, the artist addresses general considerations on the suitability - and even theological legitimacy - of extending metaphorical language to the art of drawing. He expresses his preference for allegorical representation at several points:

• Allegory allows for the condensation of meanings, concepts, and sequences of events into a single image.

• It provides the stylistic advantage of enabling representation with fewer figures, therefore allowing for greater detail than what is required in historical representation.

• It avoids the inclusion of plebeian figures in the illustration, which would undermine its noble purpose. In this sense, the allegorical engraving should reflect what is appropriate for each character in the scene, assigning them postures, facial expressions, and attire that correspond to their characteristics - “In the same event, the expression of a king should not be similar to that of a commoner, a philosopher to that of a rustic, etc.” (CASTRO, 1810, p. 190).

Drawing on the symbolism established in Iconologia by Cesare Ripa, the author offers a meticulous description of the content of the engraving. The guidelines he provides for the creation and interpretation of allegorical engravings are particularly relevant for understanding the main topic of this article. The following points are especially noteworthy:

• The star symbolizes immortality⁵.

• The compass and square are the emblems of architecture.

• The ideal number of figures in an engraving ranges from nine to twelve.

• The most significant action should always occupy the center of the composition, with the main character receiving the most prominent place and facing forward.

• A figure kneeling on one knee adopts a more dynamic posture compared to kneeling with both knees.

• (CASTRO, 1810, p. 196-198, 205-206, 210).

“For all comes from God”

On the occasion of the statue’s inauguration on May 25, 1775, many contemporary authors seized the opportunity to submit their panegyric texts to the Real Mesa Censória [Royal Censorial Board] to celebrate the magnificent event. The sheer volume of submissions was seen by the Marquis of Pombal as a testament to the success of his policy in promoting the arts and letters (Observações Secretíssimas (1776, p. 83-84). Joaquim Machado de Castro also contributed a panegyric of his own, in addition to his crucial role as a visual artist in the creation of the sculpture, which he himself described as “that silent panegyric” (CASTRO, 1775, p. 21).

Among the various panegyrists of the occasion were two sons of Captain and Bachelor João Dias Talaya Sotomaior, whose names came to light through their authorship. Dr. Talaya founded the Academia dos Obsequiosos in his home in Sacavém during the year of Queen D. Maria I’s acclamation (1777), with the support of King Consort D. Pedro III. The academy operated under a clear encomiastic motto: “[Academy] where only Anniversaries and the Virtues of Their Most Faithful Majesties and the Royal Family are celebrated.” Acknowledging the talent and dedication of this distinguished captain, who was also a poet and bullfighter, the king and the queen’s infant sisters served as godparents for some of his children. The Academia dos Obsequiosos - initially titled the Royal Academy - included several prominent figures from the kingdom, such as the legitimizing theologian of Pombalism, António Pereira de Figueiredo, Brazilian poet José Basílio da Gama, and the jurist José de Seabra da Silva, who had previously served as an assistant to Pombal. D. Maria I rescued him from exile in Angola and later restored him to his position of governance. Three sons and two daughters of the founder, Dr. João Dias Talaya, were also members of this academy (FERREIRA, 2014, pp. 121-143). Doctor Seabra da Silva and the Academia dos Obsequiosos will play a central role in the forthcoming case study.

The period in question was marked by political change, often termed “a Viradeira” [the shift], reflecting the perceived discontinuity between Queen Maria I’s governance and the Pombaline administration that preceded it. This shift was also apparent in architecture, with the most emblematic expression being the Convent of the Most Sacred Heart of Jesus, commonly known as the Basilica of Estrela. In undertaking this grand construction, Queen Maria I, known as “the Pious”, may have resurrected an earlier project of her grandfather, King João V, who had aspired to build a basilica in Lisbon as grand as St. Peter’s in Rome, as a testament to his regalist power - though he ultimately had to settle for constructing it in Mafra instead (PIMENTEL, 2002, p. 106 and 125; RAGGI, 2020, p. 201, 221, and 232).

It remains true that both monarchs sought to immortalize themselves through conventual architecture, following the interruption by King José I, whose hallmark - the equestrian statue - stands out as a work of a more secular nature. However, opinions diverge regarding the architectural affinity between the Basilica of Estrela and the Palace-Convent of Mafra. Some, like José Hermano Saraiva, see strong similarities:

From a vow made by the queen to commemorate the birth of the heir to the throne, the Basilica of Estrela was born, strongly reminiscent of Mafra and the era of King João V. Its towers and dome, rising high above the city’s rooftops, stood as a rebuke to Pombal’s leveling architecture. (SARAIVA, 1981, p. 257).

In a similar vein, José Augusto França identifies various elements of parallelism between the two buildings: “Formally, [the Basilica of Estrela] is less a work of its time than of a revived Joanine era” (FRANÇA, 1990, p. 38). Others, like Luís de Oliveira Ramos, offer a different perspective: “[the Basilica of Estrela is] a work of balanced architecture, far removed from the unnecessary monumentality of Mafra” (RAMOS, 2010, p. 106).

Regardless, two important functional distinctions between the Marian and Joanine monuments should be pointed out. First, while the Basilica of Estrela serves exclusively religious purposes as a conventual work, Mafra functions as a palace-convent, also accommodating more secular uses such as a leisure residence. Second, the Convent of Estrela was intended for a female order, housing the Discalced Carmelites, whereas the Mafra monastery was a male convent, designed to accommodate Franciscan monks.

Indeed, Queen Maria I consistently aimed to assert her sovereign status as a female monarch, and this, beyond the traditional votive motivation, may have contributed to her decision to build the Convent of the Most Sacred Heart of Jesus. Significantly, the inauguration of this convent was marked by a moment when the Queen personally served the resident nuns during the banquet (Gazeta de Lisboa 1781, Supl. nº 23, June 8). Ultimately, by choosing the Convent as her final resting place, Queen Maria I further reinforced its significance as a symbol of her reign.

These three monuments, the most representative of the 18thcenturyin Portugal, share the characteristic of projecting into the spiritual or symbolic realm, with their utility being diffuse. As is often the case with such grand investments, they faced criticism for perceived extravagance in the use of public resources. However, these criticisms remain anonymous, which is not surprising given the absence of a free press and public dissent - let alone institutionalized opposition - under the Ancien Régime. Nonetheless, there was room for encomiastic iconographic programs, reflecting the royal desire to cultivate favorable public opinion (PIMENTEL, 2002, p. 45-46). Therefore, the projects for the Convent of Mafra, the Equestrian Statue, and the Basilica of Estrela, were promoted through panegyrical texts and illustrative prints⁶.

Regarding Mafra, anonymous critiques targeted the forced recruitment of labor, and the excessive expenses associated with the vast construction (Diário de Lisboa, Aug.-Sep. 1729, §§ 52 and 54). Additionally, the Abbot of Mornay, who was the French ambassador in Lisbon, criticized the project’s excessive grandeur in a letter to the French government - though signed, it was protected by diplomatic privilege (PIMENTEL, 2002, p. 128). He may have been informed by comments possibly circulating covertly within the palace circles of the Portuguese court in 1716.

Similarly, there were criticisms of the excessive costs - described as “insurmountable” and “incredible” - associated with the erection of King José I’s equestrian statue and its inauguration festivities. These critiques were written by an anonymous Jesuit who claimed to be an “eyewitness to the event” (PEREIRA, 1938, p. 9, 60).

Regarding the Marian project for the Basilica of Estrela, contemporary criticisms are not well-documented. However, a historical legacy endures in the saying “For all comes from God”, which is attributed to the Queen in response to those who allegedly raised concerns about the project’s expense (Cf. Jornal de bellas artes 1816, p. 240). This phrase was immortalized in a famous allegorical print, which will be analyzed and discussed later as a subject of study.

Scientia ac Virtus

As part of their self-promotion strategy, the patronage entities of the Ancien Régime sought to establish a perfect symbiosis between art and propaganda. This is particularly evident in the production of panegyric literature, where the author would dedicate or “offer” a tribute to the person being honored, most often in prose, though occasionally in verse⁷. The text could be accompanied by one or more engravings that converged towards the same purpose⁸.

It is important to observe that, within this literary genre, funding was not necessarily linked to the artist’s monetary compensation. Given the prevailing attitudes of the time and the aristocratic bias against those who wrote for monetary gain, it was sufficient for the panegyrist to feel honored if their work received public recognition from the individual being celebrated. Ideally, this person would also cover the costs of printing. Any additional benefits were considered advantageous, as Roger Chartier points out:

The only legitimate “literary rewards” are “decorations, positions, jobs, ranks, esteem, and everything that can stimulate emulation and flatter self-love,” (...) (CHARTIER, 1997, p. 143, 146).

Therefore, a mutually beneficial arrangement was established: the patron gained the enhancement of their political or social prestige, while the author of the panegyric secured, as an immediate social acknowledgment through the placement of their name - and, in exceptional cases, even their portrait - in a prominent position within the work. Nevertheless, the primary focus remained on identifying the person to whom the text was dedicated⁹. In contrast, in the case of the draftsman or engraver, when identified, their name usually appeared discreetly in the engravings featured in panegyric works. This standard also highlighted the greater prominence of the author-writer of the panegyric compared to the draftsman or engraver. Indeed, the work of the panegyrists was honorary, often rewarded with favors and privileges that, in some respects, resembled the status of nobility¹⁰. Meanwhile, the profession of draftsmen and engravers was seen as more mercenary due to its direct monetary compensation¹¹. Consequently, most engravers did not attain significant social status, with some even opting not to sign their works (FARIA, 2005, p. 36 and 46). It is also important to note that in a vast majority of publications, the engravings were supplementary to the text rather than the other way around.

In any case, the dealings of the time were governed by what Fernanda Olival defined as economia da mercê [“economy of grace”], characterized by the rewarding of services to those who rendered them (OLIVAL, 2003, p. 748). For this reason, the diligent secretary and host of the Academia dos Obsequiosos [Academy of Obsequious People], Dr. João Dias Talaya believed that he was entitled to a greater reward. Specifically, he expected the highly influential magistrate Seabra da Silva, his academic associate, to secure a favorable outcome for his request for the Order of Christ, a sentiment he expressed in the form of poetry (Rimas 1790, p. 221-223):

I do not seek it for my own,
Deeming it not much in need,
Though not knighted, I am known,
As a Knight in thought and deed:
For my firstborn, my dear José,
The son that God to me did send,
I wish the Cross, that holy stay,
To set earth’s turmoil to an end,
With Heaven’s order to amend.
[Translated Version]

The uninhibited recommendation suggests a certain degree of rapport that, from the requester’s perspective, may have developed between the two. Indeed, it is possible that Talaya and Seabra deepened their connection while working together as organizers of the second and third volumes of the Sessões Literárias of Academia dos Obsequiosos. The second volume, titled Sessões Literárias dos alunos da Academia dos Obsequiosos do lugar de Sacavém [Literary Sessions of the students of the Academia dos Obsequiosos of Sacavém], was published in 1790 and presented to Queen Maria I on the occasion of her 56th birthday.

Illustration 2
Sessões literárias dos alunos da Academia dos Obsequiosos do lugar de Sacavém…, II Tomo (Volume), [Frontispiece], Lisbon, at the Workshop of António Rodrigues Galhardo…, 1790. Biblioteca Nacional de Portugal. Available at: http://purl.pt/34201. Accessed on 20 Nov. 2023.

According to art historian Ernesto Soares, this volume includes an illustration depicting Queen Maria I in full length, accompanied by her entourage. This is the same engraving previously mentioned, which immortalized the Queen’s most emblematic phrase - “For all comes from God”. As described in the magazine Mnemosine Lusitana (1816), cited by Soares, during the presentation of the project for the Royal Basilica and Convent of the Most Holy Heart of Jesus by the responsible architect, one of the attendees made an inappropriate comment: “[There were those who recklessly said] that executing such a magnificent design would require spending many millions”. To which the Queen is said to have replied: “With God, whatever is spent is little; for all comes from God” (Jornal de Bellas Artes, 1816, p. 240).

Illustration 3
QUEIRÓS, Gregório Francisco (Engraver); BARROS, Jerónimo de (Designer), Scientia ac Virtus, Sola que non possunt haec monumenta mori, Late 18th Century, black & white, Image dimensions: 169x111 mm. Total dimensions: 209x151 mm., Online Collection, MC.GRA.1537. Available at: http://acervo.museudelisboa.pt/. Museu de Lisboa, Lisbon, Portugal. Accessed on: 20 Nov. 2023.

The author of História da gravura artística em Portugal [History of Artistic Engraving in Portugal], Ernesto Soares, took the engraving as a portrait that captured that moment, which resulted in its description in his book:

1537 - PORTRAIT OF D. MARIA I in full length, accompanied by her retinue, dressed in royal attire, including a mantle, crown, and scepter, presenting an open book to Mateus Vicente, the architect of the Basílica da Estrela, who is kneeling before her. The book reads: Accipe pro meritis proemia digna tuis. In the center, the royal coat of arms is supported by an angel. The composition is framed by a large panel, supported by two angels, depicting the façade of the monument. Below is the caption: Scientia ac Virtus/solaque non possunt haec monumenta mori, which is the motto of the Academia dos Singulares.

SUBS. - Jer: de Barros inv. - G. F. A. de Queiroz Sculp. DIM. 190 X 140 mm.

This engraving, which often appears printed on large margin paper, serves as an illustration for the work: Sessões literárias dos alunos da Academia dos Obsequiosos do lugar de Sacavém…by João Dias Talaya Sotomaior. Lisbon 1790 (2nd Tomo).

In Mnemósine Lusitana, Vol. I, p. 240, there is this curious note about the engraving described: When the architect of the Royal Convent of the Sacred Heart of Jesus presented the plans and perspective of the building, someone audaciously remarked that executing such a magnificent design would require spending many millions; to which the Most August Lady replied: With God, whatever is spent is little; for all comes from God - This remarkable response is commemorated in an engraving designed and drawn by Jerónimo de Barros, engraved by Gregório Francisco de Queiroz… [Soares 1971, p. 454-455].

The engraving titled Scientia ac Virtus [sola que non possunt haec monumenta mori]¹² is a well-known and widely circulated illustration within the historiographical field. It can be found in José Augusto França’s book A Arte em Portugal, where it is presented as a representative icon of Neoclassicism (FRANÇA, 1990, p. initial pages). Additionally, it serves as the cover image for a 2007 collection of William Beckford’s correspondence¹³. This engraving is also accessible through the online collection of Museu de Lisboa, where it is described as an allegory of the construction of the Basílica and Convento da Estrela (QUEIRÓS; BARROS: Scientia ac Virtus). More specifically, based on Ernesto Soares’ description, it is assumed to be an allegorical representation centered on the Queen’s recognition of the architect responsible for the design of the Basilica.

However, a detailed and contextual analysis, guided by the iconographic methodology, reveals that the engraving in question, drawn by Jerónimo de Barros and engraved by Gregório Francisco de Queiroz, does not focus on the presentation of the Basílica project, nor does it depict any architect. Instead, Scientia ac Virtus represents a commemorative academic event, set against the backdrop of the most significant monumental work of D. Maria I’s reign¹⁴.

An Academic Event

Within the context of the Ancien Régime’s publishing market, it is possible to classify various engravings into different types, depending on the distinguishing criteria that are emphasized. For the purpose of this study, it is important to highlight the initial intent of these graphic creations. Therefore, two types of engravings should be distinguished: on the one hand, there were standalone engravings such as “devotional prints”, reproductions of coats of arms, portraits, and decorative engravings, which initially circulated independently but could also be incorporated as illustrations in various publications; on the other hand, there were original engravings specifically designed to occupy a prominent place in a particular publication, although they could later be reproduced and utilized for other purposes, starting from this original matrix¹⁵.

On January 25, 1785, João Dias Talaya Sotomaior, Secretary of Academia dos Obsequiosos, personally visited the Reais Fundições de Artilharia [Royal Artillery Foundries] and presented himself to the General Intendant, Brigadier Bartolomeu da Costa, stating that he was carrying a royal credential that had been communicated to him orally by the Count of Sampaio. On this occasion, Talaya commissioned the renowned Foundry Master of the equestrian statue to produce a commemorative engraving of the engagement between Infante D. João and D. Carlota Joaquina¹⁶. The execution of the engraving, representing “the Royal Family of Portugal and Spain with their various allegories,” was entrusted to the engraver Manuel Freire, who signed it. This finely crafted engraving was later prominently featured in the third volume of the Sessões Literárias of the Academia dos Obsequiosos, published six years later, in 1791. [see illustration 4]

Illustration 4
FREIRE, Manuel (Engraver); (Unsigned). Heraldic Allegory Relating to the Royal Marriagebetween Infante D. Joãoand D. Carlota Joaquina. 1785. Burin, b&w. Dimensions not available. In Sessões Literárias dos Alunos da Academia dos Obsequiosos do Lugar de Sacavém..., III Tomo, Lisbon: at the workshop of António Rodrigues Galhardo..., 1790-1791. Located in the initial pages. Biblioteca Nacional de Portugal, Lisbon, Portugal. Accessed on: 20 Nov. 2023. Available at: https://purl.pt/34202.

Returning to the previous volume of Sessões Literárias, the second in the series (1790), it is likely that the same Secretary of Academia dos Obsequiosos was also responsible for commissioning an engraving for inclusion in this volume, specifically the engraving Scientia ac Virtus [see Illustration 3 above]. As Ernesto Soares observes:

This engraving, which frequently appears in copies printed with wide margins, serves as an illustration for the work: Sessões Literárias dos Alunos da Academia dos Obsequiosos do Lugar de Sacavém… by João Dias Tallaia Sotomaior. Lisbon, 1790 (2nd Tomo) [SOARES, 1971, p. 454-455].

The exclusive mention of the 2nd volume of Sessões Literárias of Academia dos Obsequiosos, from 1790, suggests that the engraving was originally intended for this volume, to serve as an illustration¹⁷. It highlights that Ernesto Soares had access to one of the copies of Sessões Literárias, in which the mentioned engraving was published. There is no reason to doubt this information, as it is strictly empirical and provided by a credible author. However, while it is possible that some copies including the engraving have survived in private collections, the only publicly known copy of the book, held by the Biblioteca Nacional de Portugal, does not contain it¹⁸. Could it be that this illustration was meticulously removed from the volume available at the Biblioteca Nacional de Portugal? Refer to Illustration 3 above. A longitudinal defect in the paper is visible along the left margin of the engraving - i.e., the area adjacent to the book’s spine - which likely resulted from an improper cutting with a blade. This suggests that the engraving may have been deliberately removed. Nonetheless, a specialist should examine the volume to provide a more definitive answer to this question¹⁹.

Moreover, the engraving implicitly references an academy:

At the bottom of the engraving is the inscription: Scientia ac Virtus / solaque non possunt haec monumenta mori, which is the motto of Academia dos Singulares. [Soares 1971, p. 454].

It is well-established that Academia dos Singulares was dissolved in the 17th century (RIBEIRO, 1871, p. 157), long before the birth of Queen Maria I, who is depicted in the engraving, which allows us to dismiss outright the possibility that this engraving was commissioned by that academy. It is reasonable to suppose that the Latin motto cited (“Knowledge and virtue, only these monuments cannot perish,” in loose translation) was commonly used within academic institutions, or that some other academy might have adopted it after Academia dos Singulares, particularly Academia dos Obsequiosos, founded by João Dias Talaya Sotomaior²⁰.

As mentioned earlier, the second volume of Sessões Literárias of Academia dos Obsequiosos was dedicated to Queen Maria I on her birthday [see illustration 2 above], a few months after the five-day ceremonies that consecrated the Convent of the Most Sacred Heart of Jesus. The main agenda of this academy focused on highlighting the grand events of the royal family, making the new Basilica an unavoidable topic in Sessões Literárias. Consequently, this second volume features an engraving titled Scientia ac Virtus [see illustration 3 above], which praises the monarch for the construction of the Carmelite monument. The engraving is accompanied by written praises from João Dias Talaya Sotomaior, honoring this monumental testament to the Queen’s devotion. In the book’s first sonnet (Sessões literárias II, 1790), reflecting the spirit of the “Viradeira” (the shift), the poet suggests that the greatness and value of the Marian monument, erected without a blemish of vainglory, overshadow even the most renowned statues... of cast bronze, naturally not excluding the equestrian statue in Praça do Comércio:

Not bronze or refined melted gold,
A statue rises to your name, O Queen;
But of new, sacred matter, unforeseen,
A lasting tribute for your praise, bold:
How many have been cast, how many told,
Whose fame and history have long been seen,
None holds the worth or grandeur, or the sheen,
To dim the glory that your monument shares.
All others might fall, for memory’s the prize,
Though art may strive and dedicate its cares,
It still remains but transient in disguise:
But this, O model of Queens so rare,
Can never fall, for glory’s not its guise
Its statue stands on Mount Carmel, fair.
[Translated Version]

Similarly, in the initial panegyric (Ibidem, p. 7), written in a pronounced Baroque style, Talaya extolled the grandeur of the work of his Queen:

[Your Majesty] What a sumptuous Basilica does She erect? What ample revenues does She establish, so that the Chaste Brides of the Immaculate Lamb may more comfortably devote themselves to worship and the devotions of the Heart of that God, where Your Majesty, like a pure Dove, makes Her nest.

The third volume, published in 1791, also features a panegyric on a similar theme. This one, authored by the Oratorian António Pereira de Figueiredo, pays tribute to D. Pedro III for laying the foundation stone of the Basilica. Although the panegyric was written while the honoree was still alive - as can be inferred from the text itself - it was published only six years after D. Pedro’s death, in the third volume of Sessões Literárias. The inclusion of this literary piece appears to have been intended to honor the memory of the consort king, as his contribution had previously gone unrecognized, with the second volume having only acknowledged the Queen for her personal involvement in the Basilica project.

I speak of our Princess: for it is true that His Majesty the King granted the design for this Tem- ple; he donated the land that would serve as its site, and laid the first stone. But it is the Queen who made the vow to God; she is the one building it; she is the one bearing the expenses. The King outlined the work, designated the site, and prepared the materials, like David; the Queen continues and will complete it, like Solomon. Through the excelsior Religion of one and the excelsior Piety of the other, Portugal will have in this Temple the true City of Refuge in all afflictions; it will have a Fortress for shelter; it will have an Armory with which to defend itself from all its enemies [Sessões Literárias III, 1791, p. 430].

It has already been demonstrated that Academia dos Singulares could not have commissioned the engraving, despite the fact that the engraving displays this academy’s motto: “Scientia ac Virtus/ solaque non possunt haec monumenta mori”. Furthermore, Ernesto Soares’ description [“(…) D. Maria I (…) delivering to the architect of Basílica da Estrela, who is kneeling before her, an open book (…)”], based on an interpretation of the same engraving presented in the magazine Mnemósine Lusitana, must be partially rejected. The central theme of the illustration in question cannot definitively be identified as the royal recognition of an architect’s work, such as Mateus Vicente or any other involved in the project. For various reasons:

• Firstly, consider the symbolism presented. The compass and square have long been prominent symbols of architecture, and this tradition continued into the 18th century, as attested by Joaquim Machado de Castro (see above). However, in the lower corner of the illustration Scientia ac Virtus, the symbol depicted is a lyre - a musical instrument that represents poetic art and literature, much like the lute. This detail clearly and unequivocally indicates that the illustration depicts a person associated with the literary arts, rather than an architect.

• Secondly, the figure near the Queen is not actually kneeling; he is merely resting one knee on the ground, performing a genuflection. According to Joaquim Machado de Castro, this posture is submissive, yet dynamic - “a movement that should be presumed to be instantaneous” (see above). This does not correspond to the posture of someone receiving a royal investiture, such as being knighted, in a ceremonial context.

In fact, the gesture of the two main figures is ambiguous: who is handing the book to whom cannot be determined, whether it is the Queen handing it to the subordinate figure or the subordinate figure presenting it to the Queen²¹.

Such ambiguity, by exploiting the inherent fixity of visual representation, suggests an exchange and a mutual collaboration, which was characteristic of the economy of favor, even within the realm of literary services. The phrase in the book, “Accipe pro meritis proemia digna tuis”, meaning “Receive rewards worthy of your merits”, does not resolve this ambiguity. This Latin formula could simultaneously refer to the literary merit of the subordinate figure and the dual merit - both constructive and patronal - of the Monarch. The book, as an object presented to the Queen, is the result of the literary inspiration symbolized in the engraving by the lyre and the goddess Euterpe, the pagan muse of lyric poetry. Conversely, the same book, when supported by the Queen, stems from her patronage, which made the publication of that work possible. Therefore, the book can symbolize the complicity inherent in the patronage relationship between the Queen and her subject. This interpretation is further supported by the symbolic elements positioned at the Queen’s feet, placed alongside the insignias of the Portuguese Royal House. [See Illustration 5, below].

Illustration 5
Detail from the engraving Scientia Ac Virtus (see full engraving in Illustration 3, above).

The cornucopia, a horn-shaped vessel spilling coins, stands out as a symbol of royal generosity. This icon can also be found, for instance, in the engraving Alegoria à Academia Real da História (ROCHEFORT, 1735). Additionally, the presence of the fasces lictoris, a bundle of rods symbolizing unity under sovereign authority, is noteworthy. In this case, the fascis is depicted without its characteristic axe (see DREWS, 1972, p. 44-45), emphasizing through this symbolism a new, gentler exercise of royal power in the post-Pombaline era. This imagery resonates with the text in the second volume of Sessões Literárias of the Academia dos Obsequiosos (1790, p. 98) - the book in which the Scientia Ac Virtus engraving was included:

As soon as MARIA THE FIRST began her reign, no one groaned under the harsh yoke of perse- cution. Contrary to the long-standing practice, of which there are blood-stained proofs, we can take solace in the certainty that we now live under the rule of (...) the most pious and virtuous Sovereign; (...) how much we owe you, Beloved QUEEN! (João Dias Tallaia Sotto-Maior)

Given that symbolism is a decisive element for iconographic interpretation (BURKE, 2004 [2001], p. 45-46), it follows that only academies of an eminently literary nature can be considered within the scope of the engraving in question. For this reason, among others to be considered later, the Real Academia das Ciências de Lisboa [Royal Academy of Sciences of Lisbon] should be excluded from this context. It is important to note that, according to existing studies, only a few literary academies remained active during the decade of the Basilica’s construction (1780)²². And no literary academy is known to have published a book during this period, except for Academia dos Obsequiosos²³. This academy is a unique case, which increases the likelihood that the engraving Scientia ac Virtus is intrinsically related to it and, in particular, aligns with the dedication in the second volume: Sessões Literárias dos Alunos da Academia dos Obsequiosos (…) dedicated, and offered to the Most August Queen (…) on the day of her Happy Years, being presented by the hand of the Illustrious and Excellent Senhor José de Seabra da Silva and given to the public by Captain João Dias Tallaia Soto-Maior.

Quis est homo?

Wearing the appropriate attire for a hand-kissing ceremony, a male figure kneels before the Sovereign while pointing to a sign displaying the following Latin phrase: “Quid fecit In Patria?”, meaning “What has been done in the homeland?”. This gesture highlights the informative nature of the engraving, which, according to Miguel Figueira de Faria’s thematic classification, can be categorized as current affairs prints (FARIA, 2005, p. 478-479). The engraving speaks of the Sovereign of Portugal, D. Maria I, under whose homeland valuable works have been undertaken and evoked. At the same time, the identity of the figure kneeling before the Queen remains enigmatic. Who could it be? To complete the analysis, it is essential to shed lighton the mystery surrounding the scene depicted, exploring historical references, revealing symbols, and other direct or contextual clues contained in the engraving.

•First Hypothesis: A Stylized Figure

The profile of this character’s face is minimalistic, with few distinctive features, suggesting a stylized representation similar to the faces of the angels surrounding the central theme. This is akin to the portrayal of Euterpe, the Muse of lyrical poetry, depicted on the right side of the frame, wearing a laurel crown and holding a flute while pointing to the fruit of inspiration she has infused: the book, at the center of the image.

However, since the aforementioned male character has a historical and real role in the engraving, rather than an ethereal one, the assumption that this figure might be stylized may not be entirely accurate. It is possible that this figure represents a specific historical person. Notably, despite the simplicity of the drawing’s lines, the Queen’s features are distinctly recognizable. Therefore, it is also plausible that the figure interacting with the Queen could be a portrait of an actual individual. The same applies to the characters forming the Queen’s entourage.

•Second Hypothesis: José de Seabra da Silva

(...) Under the aegis of [Minister José Seabra da Silva], [the Second Volume] can achieve the acclaim it needs so that, against the malice of Zoilus (which our country has in abundance), the merit, which I believe to be present in all the Members of that distinguished Body [the Academia dos Obsequiosos], will prevail. (...)” João Dias Tallaia Sotto-Maior [Sessões Literárias II, 1790, Preliminary Dedication].

Assuming that the engraving was presumably created around the time of its publication, it is possible that the figure in question can be identified as Doctor José de Seabra da Silva, presenting the book to the Queen by his hand [see Illustration 2, above]. The background features the Basilica, which had recently been consecrated, with the celebration still vivid in everyone’s memory.

However, it is noteworthy that the face of this character, marked by a star shedding light upon his forehead - as a symbol of enlightenment and immortality - does not appear to match the known features of José de Seabra da Silva. In Illustration 6, below, a portrait of Seabra da Silva is presented, in order to be compared with the face of the character in question.

Illustration 6
Portrait of José de Seabra da Silva: Private collection of Seabra da Silva’s descendants [see the references section].

As can be observed, the period’s portrait, above, depicts Seabra with a rounded face, contrasting with the character in the engraving, who has a straight jawline and lacks the characteristic double chin associated with Seabra’s portrait. The discrepancy in features might be attributed to the fact that the two faces are being compared in different poses: Seabra’s chin is drawn to his chest, while the other figure has a more lifted chin. It is important to note that the profile representation was meant to emphasize the central figure - in this case, Queen Maria I - who is therefore depicted facing forward. This choice by the artist makes the identification of the mentioned male character more challenging, thereby reinforcing the engraving’s primary focus on the prominent and majestic Queen, the Star of the Basilica.

•Third Hypothesis: João Dias Talaya Sotomaior

Engravings could take a considerable amount of time to complete due to their elaborate, phased technical process and the collaborative nature of their production²⁴. Various factors contributed to publication delays, including the need to finalize texts for compilation, delays in securing sponsorships, contractual breaches, and mandatory scrutiny by the Real Mesa Censória. For instance, the illustration in the third volume of Sessões Literárias of Academia dos Obsequiosos, which, as previously mentioned, took six long years to be published: commissioned in 1785, it was only released to the public in 1791, when the work incorporating it was finally published [see illustration 4 above]. Therefore, it is plausible that the design for the engraving Scientia ac Virtus was conceived well before the publication of the second volume of the Sessões Literárias (1790), where the engraving was included. At that early stage, the need for José de Seabra da Silva’s intervention for the book’s publication may not have been foreseen, as the founder of the Academy, Dr. João Dias Talaya Sotomaior, still had the full support of D. Pedro III, his royal patron. The publication of the first volume of Sessões Literárias of the Academia dos Obsequiosos, in 1784, had inspired Talaya with the desire to publish many more works. Indeed, everything suggested that he would continue on this path under the aegis of his king and protector, had it not been for the misfortune that later occurred - D. Pedro III passed away on May 25, 1786 (FERREIRA, 2014, p. 218-219).

As previously mentioned, Talaya was the promoter of the Academy’s works and its main creator, also responsible for the illustrations. It is likely that the idea of dedicating the future second volume of Sessões Literárias to Queen Maria I originated with him, especially given that, by then, the construction of the Basilica was already underway²⁵. Furthermore, it is conjectured that the “vain Talaya” might have used his own likeness as a model for the engraving later included in the work of Academia dos Obsequiosos²⁶. Such self-promotion is not surprising. In issue 48 of the Gazeta de Lisboa, published in November 1790, the following announcement was made:

Published: The 2nd Tomo of Sessões Literárias of the Academia dos Obsequiosos, dedicated to His Majesty by Captain João Dias Talaya Sotomaior. Available for sale at the Gazeta store, the Real Academia das Ciências, and at the stores of Bertrand, Barneoud, Borel, Reycend, and Francisco Manuel, at Passeio Público. [Gazeta de Lisboa, 1790, no. 48, November 17].

No mention is made of José de Seabra da Silva. According to the announcement, Talaya alone dedicates the 2nd Volume to the Queen. It should be noted that Talaya, a bachelor and the founder of the Academy, signed most of the texts in this compilation. Therefore, while omitting the name of the distinguished magistrate may seem ungrateful, Talaya’s assumption of sole prominence in the dedication is not entirely unjust. The inclination for self-perpetuation by a panegyrist is not unique either. A notable example is the portrait of Luís Rafael Soyé, which Soyé himself published in the early pages of his Noites Josefinas. Coincidentally, this engraving was also designed by Jerónimo de Barros (BARROS, 1790, in Noites Josefinas, initial pages).

The hypothesis that the engraving Scientia ac Virtus portrays Dr. João Dias Talaya could explain the physical differences between the male figure and the known portraits of José de Seabra da Silva. This assumption is plausible, as there is no specific record of the bullfighter bachelor’s features, apart from a presumed baldness, which could easily have been hidden by the fashionable wigs of the time²⁷.

Regarding the clothing depicted in the engraving, it aligns with Talaya Sotomaior’s social status. Dr. Talaya would have been expected to wear appropriate attire when appearing before the monarchs, just as artists and teachers were required to do during hand-kissing ceremonies. Given his frequent visits to the palace (Rimas 1790, p. 7), it is likely that Talaya was regularly required to wear such formal attire²⁸ - tailcoats, for instance, were common among provincial judges²⁹.

Considering that the print in question may have been produced before Seabra da Silva’s involvement in the publications and that it is intended to celebrate a blend of joint, reciprocal, and integrated achievements, with the Queen as the most prominent figure honored by the literary work, it is possible to infer that the character bowing before the Sovereign may not necessarily be the distinguished Doctor Seabra. It seems plausible that this character could represent Captain and Bachelor João Dias Talaya Sotomaior, a protegé of D. Pedro III, the consort King, whom the panegyrist referred to with reverence as “my compadre” (meaning the godfather of his child)”³¹.

•Fourth Hypothesis: Duke of Lafões

From careful observation, suggestive similarities emerge between the figure in question and another notable contemporary, the 2nd Duke of Lafões [see Illustration 7 below].

Illustration 7
Portrait of D. João Carlos de Bragança, 2nd Duke of Lafões: engraving by Juste Chevillet, 1781, depicting a mirrored version of the oil painting by Louis Rolland Trinquesse [see the references section].

Could the engraving Scientia ac Virtus be referring to the Real Academia das Ciências de Lisboa [Royal Academy of Sciences of Lisbon], which was active from 1779 to 1820, and possibly depicting its founder, Dom João Carlos de Bragança, either dedicating an academic work to the Queen, or expressing gratitude³²?

The renowned Portuguese scientific academy had its own Latin motto: “Nisi utile est quod facimus stulta est gloria.” (“If what we do is not useful, glory is vain”). One would expect this motto to appear on any engraving celebrating its publications. However, this is not the case with the engraving in question. Furthermore, if the engraving Scientia ac Virtus were indeed related to the Real Academia das Ciências de Lisboa, it would likely feature symbols representing the institution, such as scientific instruments, rather than a lyre. For comparison, consider the engraving by Joaquim Carneiro da Silva titled Alegoria à inauguração da Real Academia das Ciências, from 1779, which features a globe, a telescope, and measuring instruments as symbols of that Academy (cf. SILVA, 1779). In contrast, the book Memórias Econômicas da Academia, Tomo I (1789), a volume of the Real Academia das Ciências de Lisboa dedicated to Queen D. Maria I, explicitly places poetry in a secondary role within the Academy’s studies (Memórias Econômicas 1789, p. IX; cf. also Gazeta de Lisboa 1780, no. 5, 1 Fev.). Therefore, it would be surprising if an engraving referencing this Royal Academy of Sciences employed symbols of lyrical poetry, such as the lyre and the muse Euterpe, to represent the institution.

In any case, it cannot be ruled out that the figure depicted in the engraving, portrays the Duke of Lafões. This identification may not relate to his role as President of the Real Academia das Ciências, but rather to his role as a patron of the Academia dos Obsequiosos. Indeed, one of the Academy’s members, José Valério Talaia, the eldest son of the founder, requests, in a text included in Volume II of the Academia dos Obsequiosos, that Dom João Carlos de Bragança intercedes to present his panegyrics to King D. Pedro III:

And since I wish that the Panegyrics I address to His Majesty have a value corresponding to the subject they treat, and given the inability to present them personally, I will seek Your Excellency’s assistance. Honoring me as you usually do, you will have no difficulty in presenting them to Our August Sovereign, imbuing them with those qualities with which Your Excellency adorns and enriches all your speeches [Sessões Literárias II, 1790, p. 56].

However,itisworthnotingthatthisexcerptrefersonlytosomeofthepanegyrics, not to the entire volume. Moreover, these panegyrics are dedicated to D. Pedro III, the consort king, rather than to the Sovereign Queen. Nonetheless, it remains possible that the engraving was originally intended to depict the presentation ceremony of the aforementioned Volume II of Sessões Literárias, under the aegis of the Duke of Lafões. Subsequently, due to a delay in publication, this intermediate role may have been reassigned, for unknown reasons, to José de Seabra da Silva.

Conclusion

The conclusions reached by this study reveal two distinct aspects. On the one hand, the focus is on a rigorous iconographic analysis of the engraving Scientia Ac Virtus, examining its intrinsic meaning. On the other hand, the study explores various social and political contexts of 18th-century Portugal, accessible through this analysis, aiming for a broader and more fundamental understanding of its iconological significance.

The precise identification of the engraving’s iconographic program emerged by correlating this image with the content of Volume II of the Sessões Literárias of Academia dos Obsequiosos - a panegyric book dedicated to Queen D. Maria I, for whom the engraving likely served as an illustration. There, engraved with a burin, was a witnessed depiction of a royal sign of recognition, but there was more. Based on this perception, both pre-iconographic and iconographic analyses were conducted, reinterpreting the central theme of the engraving as a commemorative academic event within the context of the Basílica da Estrela’s construction project. Therefore, it was concluded that the image does not represent the ceremony of presenting the project to the Queen, nor does it depict any architect. By challenging the interpretation established since 1816, a new critical perspective emerges. Not only is the presence of an intellectual interacting with Queen Maria I identified, but also the ambivalence of the shared gesture of holding the same book, in which both the sovereign and the intellectual play an active, complicit, and reciprocal role. In this process, symbolism serves as the primary and most solid hermeneutic key, accompanied by the crucial contribution of the iconotext - that is, the motto in the inscription and the Latin and Portuguese phrases present in the engraving itself - structurally aligning with certain conventions, governing the creation of allegorical representations.

Aiming for a broader and, therefore, more iconological interpretation, the study sought to understand how images were linked to texts in order to convey ideologies and legitimize royal power. This analysis was enriched by specific theoretical references, such as the works of Erwin Panofsky and Peter Burke, which provide a solid theoretical framework for interpreting visual art, including engravings. By applying the iconographic method outlined by these authors, a variety of cultural aspects were examined, ranging from Greco-Roman mythology and literature to the historical context of monumental royal construction in the 18th century, as well as the academic movement and panegyric literature. This approach also involved consulting sources beyond the iconographic program itself, including periodical publications, leading to interpretations with significant contextual implications. The engraving in question illustrates how art during the Ancien Régime served as a vehicle for disseminating political messages in support of the crown. More specifically, while the crown aimed to justify its financial investments in grandiose construction projects through panegyric art, to garner public approval, writers seized this opportunity to enhance their social standing by publicizing their commitment to serving the crown in this promotional effort. Notably, some of them employed graphic aids, including engravings, in their works, to achieve greater impact and, then, greater success. Written and visual arts, therefore, complemented each other for this purpose. However, while the written encomium was “offered”, at least in formal terms, thereby ennobling it, the engraving, which was commissioned and paid for, remained socially subordinate. Furthermore, it is important to highlight that the most significant interpretive outcome, from an iconological perspective, is the recognition of a mutualistic phenomenon in encomiastic culture: a relationship of reciprocal appreciation between the panegyrist, from whom the praise originated, and the honored figure, who accepted it. Additionally, the intermediary role performed by certain notable individuals in relation to the crown, particularly as facilitators of publication, is underscored. Lastly, the contribution of literary academies to the political and cultural mission of upholding monarchical order is also emphasized.

This study, conceived as a monographic contribution to the broad topic of book illustration, does not aim to exhaust all possible interpretative approaches to the allegorical portrait examined. Indeed, several potential avenues remain unexplored, including: the potential identification of some of the individuals who may be part of the Queen’s presumed retinue; comparing the Queen’s likeness in the engraving with other portraits of her from the period; and, more broadly, examining the political significance of the intersection of the sacred and the profane in the panegyric iconography of the reign of D. Maria I, “the Pious.”

Above all, it highlights the need for iconographic analysis to achieve a comprehensive understanding of one of the most emblematic engravings in the field of social and political history of 18th-century Portugal

References

• Diário de Lisboa, Agosto-Setembro de 1729. In: Gazetas Manuscritas da Biblioteca Pública de Évora, Vol. 1 (1729-1731) . Disponível em: https://books.openedition.org/cidehus/3239 Acesso em: 20 nov. 2023.
  » https://books.openedition.org/cidehus/3239
• Gazeta de Lisboa, nº 5, fevereiro de 1780. Disponível em: Hemeroteca Digital de Lisboa: Hemeroteca Digital de Lisboa: https://hemerotecadigital.cm-lisboa.pt/Periodicos/GazetadeLisboa/GazetadeLisboa.htm Acesso em: 20 nov. 2023.
  » https://hemerotecadigital.cm-lisboa.pt/Periodicos/GazetadeLisboa/GazetadeLisboa.htm
• Gazeta de Lisboa, suplemento ao nº 23, junho de 1781. Disponível em: Hemeroteca Digital de Lisboa: Hemeroteca Digital de Lisboa: https://hemerotecadigital.cm-lisboa.pt/Periodicos/GazetadeLisboa/GazetadeLisboa.htm Acesso em: 20 nov. 2023.
  » https://hemerotecadigital.cm-lisboa.pt/Periodicos/GazetadeLisboa/GazetadeLisboa.htm
• Gazeta de Lisboa, nº 49, dezembro de 1783. Disponível em: Hemeroteca Digital de Lisboa: Hemeroteca Digital de Lisboa: https://hemerotecadigital.cm-lisboa.pt/Periodicos/GazetadeLisboa/GazetadeLisboa.htm Acesso em: 20 nov. 2023.
  » https://hemerotecadigital.cm-lisboa.pt/Periodicos/GazetadeLisboa/GazetadeLisboa.htm
• Gazeta de Lisboa, nº 15, abril de 1787. Disponível em: Hemeroteca Digital de Lisboa: Hemeroteca Digital de Lisboa: https://hemerotecadigital.cm-lisboa.pt/Periodicos/GazetadeLisboa/GazetadeLisboa.htm Acesso em: 20 nov. 2023.
  » https://hemerotecadigital.cm-lisboa.pt/Periodicos/GazetadeLisboa/GazetadeLisboa.htm
• Gazeta de Lisboa, nº 48, 17 novembro de 1790. Disponível em: https://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=njp.32101080468554&seq=522 Acesso em: 20 nov. 2023.
  » https://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=njp.32101080468554&seq=522

References

• CASTRO, Machado de. 1731-1822 (Grav.); J.M.C. (Inv.). Alegoria à Monarquia Portuguesa 1795. Água-forte, p&b. Biblioteca Nacional de Portugal, Lisboa, Portugal. Disponível em: https://purl.pt/12558 [IMG - Ilustração 1]. Acesso em: 20 nov. 2023.
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• CHEVILLET, Juste (Grav.); TRINQUESSE, Louis Rolland (Inv.). Qui mores hominum multorum vidit et urbes 1781. Buril e água-forte, p&b. Dimensões: 42x28,3 cm. Biblioteca Nacional de Portugal, Lisboa, Portugal. Disponível em: https://purl.pt/5620 [IMG - Ilustração 7]. Acesso em: 20 nov. 2023.
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• Cruelíssima guerra que houve entre os cães, e gatos na grande praça da Real Vila de Mafra [ [S.l. : s.n., 1781]. Buril e água-forte, p&b; 14,7x21,2 cm. Biblioteca Nacional de Portugal, Lisboa, Portugal. Disponível em: https://purl.pt/22666 (S. Inv./S. Grav.).
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• DEBRIE, Guilherme Francisco Lourenço (Grav. e Inv.). Retrato de D. João V com alegorias 1743. Técnica não especificada, p&b; 30x20 cm. Universidade de Coimbra, Biblioteca Geral, Coimbra, Portugal. Disponível em: https://almamater.uc.pt/item/49299 Acesso em: 20 nov. 2023.
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• MACHADO, Gaspar Fróis (Grav.); CASTRO, Joaquim Machado de (Inv.). Iosepho I Avgvsto, Pio, Felici, Patri, Patriae ... [entre 1775 e 1777]. Água-forte, p&b; 25,6x18 cm. Lisboa: Typ. Reg., [s.n.]. Biblioteca Nacional de Portugal, Lisboa, Portugal. Acesso em:. Disponível em: https://purl.pt/1120 Acesso em: 20 nov. 2023.
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• BARROS, Jerónimo (Grav. e Inv.). Retrato de Luís Rafael Soyé 1790. Técnica não especificada, p&b; [15 grav.]; 8º (17 cm). In SOYÉ, Luís Rafael, Noites josefinas de Mirtilo, sobre a infausta morte do sereníssimo senhor D. Jozé, príncipe do Brasil… Lisboa: Régia Oficina Tipográfica. Localizada nas páginas iniciais. Biblioteca Nacional de Portugal, Lisboa, Portugal. Disponível em: https://purl.pt/13857 Acesso em: 20 nov. 2023.
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• FONSECA, Tomás da (Inv.); RAMALHO, Joaquim José (Grav.). Alegoria à morte do Príncipe D. José [Musa abraçada a vaso funerário entrega a Atena (Lusitânia) a obra “Noites Josefinas”]. 1790. Buril, p&b; 15x9,6 (matriz). Biblioteca Nacional de Portugal, Lisboa, Portugal. Disponível em: https://purl.pt/12896 Acesso em: 20 nov. 2023.
  » https://purl.pt/12896
• FREIRE, Manuel (Grav.); (S. Inv.) Alegoria heráldica alusiva aos Reais Desposórios entre o Infante D. João e D. Carlota Joaquina. 1785. Buril, p&b. Dim. não disp. In: Segundo [-Terceiro] Tomo das Sessões Litterarias dos Alumnos da Academia dos Obsequiosos do Lugar de Sacavem ..., Lisboa: na officina de Antonio Rodrigues Galhardo..., 1790-1791. Localizada nas páginas iniciais. Biblioteca Nacional de Portugal, Lisboa, Portugal. Disponível em: https://purl.pt/34202 [IMG - Ilustração 4]. Acesso em: 20 nov. 2023.
  » https://purl.pt/34202
• QUEIRÓS, Gregório Francisco (Grav.); BARROS, Jerónimo de (Inv.). Scientia ac Virtus, Sola que non possunt haec monumenta mori Séc. XVIII (último quartel). p&b. Dim. da mancha: 169x111 mm. Dim. total: 209x151 mm. Coleção Online, MC.GRA.1537. Museu de Lisboa, Lisboa, Portugal. Disponível em: http://acervo.museudelisboa.pt. [IMG - Ilustração 3] Acesso em: 20 nov. 2023.
  » http://acervo.museudelisboa.pt. [IMG - Ilustração 3]
• VIEIRA, LUSITANO (Inv.); ROCHEFORT, Pedro de (Grav.). Alegoria à Academia Real da História 1735. Água-forte e buril, sanguínea; matriz: 27x19,5 cm. Biblioteca Nacional de Portugal, Lisboa, Portugal. Disponível em: https://purl.pt/13219 Acesso em: 20 nov. 2023.
  » https://purl.pt/13219
• SILVA, Joaquim Carneiro da (Grav. e Inv.). Alegoria à criação da Academia Real das Ciências, em que a Luz da Razão ilumina D. Maria I 1779 Buril, p&b; 17 x 10,5 cm. (dimensões conforme site de Cabral Moncada Leilões). In Jornal Enciclopedico, Oficina de António Rodrigues Galhardo, Lisboa. Biblioteca Nacional de Portugal, Lisboa, Portugal. Acesso em:. Disponível em: https://permalinkbnd.bnportugal.gov.pt/viewer/217111/?return=1&prev_next=0#page=1&viewer=picture&o=info&n=0&q= Acesso em: 20231120.
  » https://permalinkbnd.bnportugal.gov.pt/viewer/217111/?return=1&prev_next=0#page=1&viewer=picture&o=info&n=0&q=

References

• HUBERT A. Z.. Retrato de José de Seabra da Silva [s.d.]. Fac-símile do retrato a óleo. [S.l. : s.n.] Colecção Banco de Portugal, Lisboa, Portugal, in MONTEIRO, Nuno Gonçalo; COSTA, Fernando Dores, D. João Carlos de Bragança, 2º. Duque de Lafões: uma vida singular no Século das Luzes,, Lisboa, Inapa, 2006, p. 108.

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• Sessões literárias dos alunos da Academia dos Obsequiosos do lugar de Sacavém… Terceiro Tomo, Lisboa, Na Oficina de António Rodrigues Galhardo…, 1791. Biblioteca Nacional de Portugal. Disponível em: https://purl.pt/34202 Acesso em: 20 nov. 2023.
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References

• Bartolomeu da Costa. Ofício, 25 jan. 1785. Ofício ao secretário de Estado dos Negócios da Marinha e Ultramar Martinho de Melo e Castro sobre o pedido de João Dias Talaia para abrir uma chapa para uma estampa que representasse a família real portuguesa e espanhola, AHU_CU_Reino, cx. 28, Pasta 20 Arquivo Histórico Ultramarino. Instrumento de pesquisa. Disponível em: https://ahu.dglab.gov.pt/wp-content/uploads/sites/24/2018/06/076-reinoresga- te-20160919.pdf Acesso em: 20 nov. 2023.
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• Observações secretíssimas do marquês de pombal, sobre a colocação da estátua equestre que entregou a S. Majestade nesse dia 1776. Repositório Digital da Universidade de Évora. Disponível em: http://hdl.handle.net/123456789/285 Acesso em: 20 nov. 2023.
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• FARIA, Miguel de. A imagem impressa: produção, comércio e consumo de gravura no final do antigo regime 2005 Doutoramento em História da Arte, Faculdade de Letras da Universidade do Porto, 2005.
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• FERRO, João Pedro; Rego, Manuela. «D. João V e a lisonja». Revista da Faculdade de Ciências Sociais e Humanas, Universidade Nova de Lisboa, nº 6, pp. 161-176 (1992). ISSN 0871-2778. Acesso em: 20 nov. 2023. Disponível em: http://hdl.handle.net/10362/6705
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• FLACCO, Q. Horacio. Arte poética Traduzida, e illustrada em portuguez por Candido Lusitano, Lisboa, Na Oficina patriarcal de F. L. Ameno, 1758. Acesso em: 20 nov. 2023. Disponível em: https://catalog.hathitrust.org/Record/001808663
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• FRANCO, Anísio; TELLES, Patrícia. «António Joaquim de Santa Bárbara (1813-1865): Pesquisa em tempos de pandemia», Kairós, nº 7 (2020), pp. 49-70. ISSN 2184-7193. Acesso em: 20 nov. 2023. Disponível em: https://impactum-journals.uc.pt/kairos/article/view/2184- 7193_7_4 DOI: https://doi.org/10.14195/2184-7193_7_4.
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• GORJÃO-HENRIQUES, Miguel. «José de Seabra da Silva e a sua família: iconografia e mobilidade social no antigo regime», Direito e Justiça, pp. 75-155 (2013). Universidade Católica Portuguesa. Acesso em: 20 nov. 2023. Disponível em: https://revistas.ucp.pt/index.php/direitoejustica/article/view/9896 DOI: https://doi.org/10.34632/direitoe-justica.2013.9896.
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• MARQUES, Ana Luísa dos Santos. Arte, Ciência e História no Livro Português do Século XVIII, 2014. Doutoramento em Belas Artes, Faculdade de Belas Artes da Universidade de Lisboa, 2014.
• MONTEIRO, Nuno Gonçalo. «Mafra, Trabalho Forçado e Resistência». In: CUNHA, Mafalda Soares da (ed.), Resistências. Insubmissão e revolta no império português 1ª ed. Alfragide: Casa das Letras, 2021.
• OLIVAL, Fernanda. «Mercado de hábitos e serviços em Portugal (séculos XVIIXVIII)». Análise Social, XXXVIII, no 168, p.743-769 (2003). ISSN 0003-2573. Acesso em: 20 nov. 2023. Disponível em: http://hdl.handle.net/10174/17954
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• PIMENTA, Alberto. «Prosa Poética», in CEIA, Carlos (ed.), E-Dicionário de Termos Literários, 2009. Acesso em: 20 nov. 2023. Disponível em: https://edtl.fcsh.unl.pt/encyclopedia/ prosa-poetica
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• PIMENTEL, António Filipe. Arquitectura e poder: o real edifício de Mafra 2a ed. Lisboa: Livros Horizonte, 2002 [1992]. Acesso em: 20 nov. 2023. Disponível em: https://hdl.handle. net/10316/9753
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• SÁNCHEZ, Pedro Juan Galán. «La “dilogía” en los Epigramas de Marcial». Ágora, Estudos clássicos em debate, no 19, pp. 201-224 (2017). ISSN 0874-5498. Acesso em: 20 nov. 2023. Disponível em: https://www.ua.pt/pt/dlc/page/2712
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• 1
  Article unpublished on a preprint platform. All sources and references used are cited in the article. All images included here are public domain.
• 2
  PhD in History from the Instituto de Ciências Sociais at the Universidade de Lisboa (PIUDHist), Portugal. He is an Associate Researcher at the Centre for Historical Studies of Lourinhã, Portugal (CEHL). In addition to his theses A Cultura de Voto nas Instituições Associativas do Antigo Regime: Corte e Estremadura (1698-1822) (PhD) and Os Almotacés de Lisboa (Século XVIII) (Master’s - ISCTE), he is the author of the book As lides do Talaya: Roteiro biográfico de um Portugal setecentista.
• 3
  Public urban heritage, more specifically (see SERRÃO, 2007, pp. 159 and 162).
• 4
  The archival description titled “Alegoria à Monarquia Portuguesa”, recorded in the catalog of Biblioteca Nacional de Portugal, may need revision. According to Machado de Castro, the engraving actually depicts an Allegory of Royal Generosity (CASTRO, 1810, p. 194).
• 5
  The star, in painting, was often used to symbolize illumination or divine inspiration.
• 6
  See, for instance: Mafra: Text - ALEGRETE [et al] 1731: 30 Apr. [“Centum Carmnibus...”]; Engraving - DEBRIE, 1743. Equestrian Statue: Text - CASTRO, 1775. Engraving - MACHADO; CASTRO, 1775-77. Basilica of Estrela: Text - Sessões literárias II, 1790: n.p. [opening panegyric (”Senhora…”) and 1st Sonnet (”Não de bronze…”)]. Engraving - QUEIRÓS; BARROS, Séc. XVIII (4º quartel): Scientia ac Virtus.
• 7
  Prose, too, can be poetic (PIMENTA, 2009).
• 8
  In this case, without commercial intent (FARIA, 2005, p. 274).
• 9
  The available examples are countless. See, among many others: CARVALHO, Manuel Francisco de, Ode alegórica na felicíssima aclamação da Rainha..., Lisbon, Oficina de António Rodrigues Galhardo, 1777. Available at: https://purl.pt/38624. Accessed on: 20 Nov. 2023.
• 10
  Regarding the relationship between the publication of panegyric works and the acquisition of favors during the reign of D. João V, see FERRO, 1992, pp. 168-170.
• 11
  Regarding the distinction between honoratior and mercenarius, see, among others: HESPANHA, 1982, p. 386.
• 12
  “Knowledge and virtue, only these monuments cannot perish.” (Author’s free translation).
• 13
  BECKFORD, William (ed.), The Court of Queen Maria I: Correspondence of William Beckford 1787. 2nd ed., Lisbon: Frenesi, 2007. All these publications state that the aforementioned engraving was published in 1790 in the second volume of Sessões Literárias of the Academia dos Obsequiosos, likely based on the descriptive note by Ernesto Soares, transcribed above.
• 14
  Scientia ac Virtus - In this article, the engraving will be referred to as Scientia ac Virtus for the reader’s convenience.
• 15
  In addition to establishing other typologies, Miguel Faria specifically notes: “(...) the incidental use that would occur with many prints initially produced as illustrations and vice versa (FARIA, 2005, pp. 399, 466 et seq.).”
• 16
  AHU_CU_Reino, cx. 28, Pasta 20.
• 17
  Regarding the difficulty in determining the original purpose of an engraving, see FARIA, 2005, p. 482.
• 18
  For a negative result, cfr. Sessões literárias II 1790.
• 19
  An example of an engraving removed from its original volume can be found in the Biblioteca Nacional de Portugal, at https://purl.pt/12896 - Musa abraçada a vaso funerário…. It is notable that this engraving was removed in a rough manner, resulting in a tear along the margin of the folio binding. In contrast, the engraving Cruelissima guerra, available at Biblioteca Nacional de Portugal, https://purl.pt/22666, is an example of an engraving that was detached from its original book intact (see the corresponding record for catalog number E. 1217 P. in the Biblioteca Nacional de Portugal catalog).
• 20
  The aforementioned motto is a wordplay derived from an epigram by the poet Martial, which skillfully plays on the double meaning of the noun monumenta, which can refer both to a tomb and to a literary work (cf. SÁNCHEZ, 2017, p. 221).
• 21
  The lyre symbolizes poetic and musical inspiration. See CHEVALIER, 1997, p. 413. Some examples of the depiction of the lyre and lute in engravings can be found in: FONSECA, 1790, and FLACCO, 1758, p. 48.
• 22
  To determine whether, in the engraving in question, it is the Queen who offers the book to the academic or if the academic presents the book to the Queen, one might consider comparing it with other alle- gorical engravings depicting similar situations. For example, the Alegoria à Academia Real da História, from 1735, created by Pedro de Rochefort, provides a clear illustration: in this engraving, the academic unequivocally offers a book to his King, D. João V, a generous patron of the work (ROCHEFORT, 1735).
• 23
  This claim is supported by the survey of literary academies conducted by MATIAS, 1995. Therefore, in addition to the Academia dos Obsequiosos, only the following are believed to have been active: the Academia dos Particulares da Corte, the Academia dos Amigos da Verdade (from Guarda), the Academia de Guimarães, the Academia dos Domésticos (from Lisbon), the Academia dos Entrevados (from Lisbon), the Academia das Humanidades de Lisboa, and in Brazil, the Academia Fluminense and the Sociedade Literária do Rio de Janeiro.
• 24
  The hypothesis that the engraving Scientia ac Virtus might be related to the Real Academia das Ciências de Lisboa, which was not a literary academy, will be questioned later.
• 25
  As can be verified in Gazeta de Lisboa: issue 22, dated June 1, 1779, and issue 31, dated August 24, 1779, in the footnotes.
• 26
  The conventual part began its functions on June 6, 1781.
• 27
  Cfr. Pimentel, 1907, p. 177. The “vain Talaya” - as dubbed by the satirical poet António Lopo de Carvalho. See PIMENTEL, 1907, p. 177.
• 28
  “[Talaya] for the ladies to see bald!” - Cf. CARVALHO, 1852, p. 47.
• 29
  The secretary of the Academy held the meetings of the Academia dos Obsequiosos at his own residence in Sacavém, where members of the high aristocracy or learned clergy, such as the 3rd Marquis of Penalva, D. Fernando Teles da Silva, who presided over the assemblies, were present (cf. Sessões Literárias II, 1790, p. 106). Consequently, he would certainly have been required to wear appropriate attire.
• 30
  Cf. respectively: Judge “de fora” - VALENTE, 1979, p. 13. Teachers and artists - SILVA, 2009, p. 103.
• 31
  “When, Sir, I chose you as a wise man/ To be my esteemed compadre forever (…).” Indeed, D. Pedro III was the godfather of two of Talaya’s children (FERREIRA, 2014: pp. 144-145).
• 32
  See, in particular, a hand-kissing ceremony with a speech of gratitude by the Duke of Lafões, reported in: Gazeta de Lisboa 1783: no. 49, December 9.

Edited by

• Editors Responsible
  Miguel Palmeira and Stella Maris Scatena Franco

Publication Dates

• Publication in this collection
  17 Jan 2025
• Date of issue
  2024

History

• Received
  16 Jan 2024
• Accepted
  21 Aug 2024