THE MACRO AND THE MICRO IN DIGITAL HISTORY: A REFLECTION ON RESEARCH PRACTICE BASED ON LATIN AMERICAN PANDEMIC ARCHIVES

Marino, Ian Kisil

doi:10.11606/issn.2316-9141.rh.2026.231357

Abstract

The article delves into the features of digital archives created to document the COVID-19 pandemic in Latin America from mid-2020 onwards – focusing on aspects such as the trajectories of their creators and the documentation strategies employed. From this starting point, it proposes a theoretical-methodological reflection on historical research practice amid digital transformation. In pursuit of a “hermeneutics of practice,” one reflects on the implications, tensions, and dialogues between the research strategies used – that is, methods of classification and comparison while using computational tools (aiming for a macro perspective), and a combination of oral history and digital ethnography (aiming for a micro perspective). Thus, the article discusses digital history practice, contributing to debates on the use of databases, oral history, and ethnography in historical research.

Keywords
Digital History; COVID-19 Pandemic; Archives; Digital Humanities; Oral History

Resumo

O artigo busca compreender as características de arquivos digitais criados para documentar a pandemia de COVID-19 na América Latina a partir de meados de 2020 – enfocando aspectos como as trajetórias de seus criadores e as estratégias de documentação empregadas. A partir disso, propõe-se uma reflexão teórico-metodológica acerca da prática de pesquisa em história em meio à transformação digital. Buscando uma “hermenêutica da prática”, reflete-se sobre as implicações, as tensões e os diálogos entre as estratégias de pesquisa empregadas, quais sejam, métodos de classificação e comparação, com auxílio de ferramentas computacionais (em uma perspectiva macro), e uma combinação de entrevistas de história oral e etnografia digital (em uma perspectiva micro). O artigo, portanto, discute a prática da história digital, contribuindo para os debates acerca do uso de bases de dados, história oral e etnografia na pesquisa em história.

Palavras-chave
História Digital; Pandemia de COVID-19; Arquivos; Humanidades Digitais; História Oral

During the first semester of 2020, a multitude of individuals and institutions around the world began creating real-time digital archives containing records of what they considered a highly significant event: the COVID-19 pandemic. These efforts took various forms: universities disseminated online surveys; museums and archives launched crowdsourcing initiatives to collect records from volunteers; oral history projects were initiated; and even independent initiatives, led by volunteers with no previous experience, used tools such as social media platforms to gather testimonies, photographs, drawings, and many other types of records documenting the human experience during this period.

As these pluralistic and unconventional digital archives proliferated, historians began to mobilize in an effort to understand how this “archival earthquake” – to use Anaclet Pons’s expression (2022, p. 31) – may affect the ways in which the history of COVID-19 is researched and written. The International Federation for Public History, for example, launched the project Mapping Public History Projects about COVID-19 (2020) with the aim of mapping initiatives that sought to document aspects of life during the pandemic. Despite hosting hundreds of markers on its interactive map, this initiative clearly reproduced longstanding patterns of inequality, rendering invisible the majority of archives created outside the so-called Global North (MARINO, 2025). Another project, Coronarchive [Coronarquivo] (in which I have participated), specifically sought to map and characterize pandemic archives on the margins, in this case, in Latin America. The Coronarchive has monitored 120 pandemic archives in the region, which have been characterized through mixed methods, including ethnography, oral history, and data analysis (CENTRO DE HUMANIDADES DIGITAIS-IFCH UNICAMP, [n.d.]).

The first goal of this article is to present findings from a study conducted on dozens of Latin American projects thus far, as this constitutes a rich and diverse landscape. Throughout the article, I present both a broad, transnational characterization of the archival memorialization of the pandemic in Latin America, as well as more specific accounts of the creators, their documentation projects, and the records that comprise their collections. The article’s second objective is to explore how this research experience enables critical reflection on the practice of history in the context of digital transformation. In this sense, I engage with debates within the field of digital history, seeking to interrogate “the set of assertions, opinions, judgments and expectations, spoken and unspoken, that govern the relationship between historical knowledge and new technologies”, as Pedro Telles da Silveira (2018, p. 20) has noted. More specifically, this article contribute to what Anita Lucchesi (2020, p. 84) has termed “hermeneutics of practice”, that is, a form of self-critique through which historians commit to continuously evaluate and reevaluate how the conditions under which research is conducted intermingle with its outcomes – i.e. the historical narrative produced. This process, which is fundamental to any historiographical practice that is critically self-aware, acquires even greater importance in digital contexts, given that elements such as digital platforms, software tools, algorithms, and computational languages increasingly permeate the processes of researching, critiquing documentation, and writing history. Accordingly, in this article I will “constantly zoom in and out” – that is, to alternate between close and distant analytical approaches – regarding the sources and tools employed and, above all, regarding the “empirical exercise” carried out during the research, that is, the methodological choices made to approach pandemic archives as a subject of historiographical inquiry.

To achieve these goals, I employed a combination of two approaches. To provide a macro-level overview of all the projects examined, classification and comparison methods were used with the aid of computational tools, based on the construction of a database. This approach is addressed in the article’s first section. To investigate the particular histories of pandemic archiving projects, I adopted a combination of oral history interviews and digital ethnography, – topics of the article’s second section. Through these two initial sections, the intention is to discuss two possible methodological pathways for engaging with digital history, resulting in a characterization of the pandemic archives at both the macro and micro levels. The third part of the article consists of a theoretical and methodological reflection that seeks to bring these two modes of practicing history in digital contexts, as well as the results derived from them. In other words, my aim is not only to present the history of pandemic archiving in Latin America, but also to discuss how the historiographical operation that constructs this narrative provides questions about “digital history practice” in a broader sense.

I. Macro view

The research strategy concerning pandemic archives at the macrolevel began with an extensive survey of projects, followed by the development of a taxonomy and the creation of a database to organize this information. The effort to locate digital pandemic archives in Latin America⁵ started with popular search engines such as Google and then expanded to social media platforms and websites of archives, museums, and universities. As a member of the team that surveyed these projects, Amanda Montezino (2022, p. 277), describes, this as a “long process, full of doubts, failures, and some successes; but, above all, a space for experimentation”. The use of terms such as “pandemic”, “COVID-19”, “coronavirus”, and “quarantine” combined with “archive”, “accounts”, “stories”, and “testimonies”, among other related keywords, yielded satisfactory results, enabling the identification of dozens of projects across the continent (CONCENTINO, 2022). However, it was only after these initiatives had been catalogued that the process of analyzing them, with the assistance of computational methods, began.

I.I. Building a database

The collaborative efforts of the Coronarchive team enabled the establishment of a database that, since its creation in the second semester of 2020, has gradually expanded to encompass 120 projects. This database, now publicly available, defined the set of sources for the present work. While these projects were being identified, efforts were also underway to develop the following taxonomy, intended to organize general information about the archives:⁶

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Category Description Examples Name Name of the initiative – Country Country of origin – Creator/manager (name) Specific name of the institution/individual/collectiveresponsible for the creation and management of the archive - Type of creator/manager Types of creators/managers University, independent/autonomous; civil society organisation; archive; museum; among others. Strategy to compose the archive Strategies employed for the composition of collections Crowdsourcing, authorial production, oral history, and data scraping. Tools used for collecting Tools utilised to facilitate records collection strategies E-mail, Google Forms, andWhatsApp; upload via website, Facebook, SurveyMonkey, among others. Availability of the collection The way each file made its collection available Website, Instagram, YouTube; book, Facebook, Spotify, Google Drive; Wikipedia; among others. Types of documents Types of archived records Written testimony, photographs, audio testimony, videos, statistical data, drawings, memes, and poetry, among others. Tools for promotion Modes of dissemination and/or invitation for participation Website, Instagram, Facebook,YouTube, Twitter, newspaper, among others. Description Brief summary –

There are numerous possibilities for analyzing the information contained in the Coronarchive database.⁷ In this section, I present a selection of these findings, focusing particularly on the profile of the project creators and the methods they employed to collect historical records.⁸

I.II. Pandemic archives: macro-analysis

Data from the Coronarchive database indicate twelve categories of creators or managers of pandemic memory projects in Latin America (see Chart 1). Approximately 84% of this total fall into three categories: universities (52%), autonomous/independent individuals (23%), and civil society organizations (14%). The predominance of researchers, professors, or individuals generally affiliated with academia in the creation of these projects is significant for understanding the meta-history of pandemic archiving, as well as this research itself. Common terms found in the names of the projects under study, such as “archive”, “memory”, and “history”, carry broad significance and are not limited to academic circles. However, the recognition of the relevance of these concepts in addressing the pandemic as an issue requiring intervention may be associated with ongoing academic reflections on these themes. In other words, many of the archiving initiatives were led by scholars from the humanities who already had, directly or indirectly, some experience within the fields of archives, memory, and history (although such previous experience did not necessarily provide practical grounding for the creation of the pandemic projects – the majority of interviewees reported having never undertaken anything similar to pandemic archives before).

Chart 1
Categories of creators/managers of Latin American pandemia archives

Regarding strategies for composing the archives, data from the Coronarchive indicate four main approaches adopted in a non-exclusive manner by the projects (that is, they may overlap): crowdsourcing (76), authorial content (47), oral history (12), and data scraping (9) (see Chart 2). Based on these data, it can be observed that nearly 40% of the projects acted as producers of their own documents (categorized in the Coronarchive as “authorial content”). In these cases, the pandemic projects functioned as personal collections from beginning to end, in which the items were considered to hold a collective significance, thereby justifying their public dissemination. These projects may take the form of diaries – such as Pandemic letters [Cartas da pandemia] – photographic albums, as in Covid-19 Chronicles from Ecuador [Crónicas del Ecuador Covid-19], or even compilations of diverse documents whose authorship may not belong to the project holders, but which are appropriated as part of their archives, as seen with the memes in In quarantine Chile [En Cuarentena Chile]. The archives based on original authorial production reveal a certain sense of ubiquity permeating the history of archiving the pandemic, as a considerable number of creators viewed their own records as representative of the collective experience of this event.

Chart 2
Strategies for collecting records

The collective nature of the pandemic is the underlying element behind most collection strategies in Latin America. The use of data scraping, employed by 8% of the projects, and oral history, present in 10% of cases, reveals the perception that it was necessary, in some way, to gather records beyond what archive creators could produce themselves. Internet data scraping, which results in archives containing statistical data on the infected and deceased, is particularly relevant in composing the social history of peripheral communities or those underserved by the state, as exemplified by the cases of Monitoring COVID-19 [Monitoreo COVID-19] and Coronavirus in the urban slums [Coronavírus nas favelas]. Whether in urban or rural contexts, such projects illustrate the agency of historically marginalized communities that, during the rise of COVID-19, took it upon themselves to collect records and information about the crisis at hand.

Oral history, in turn, builds on longstanding traditions of interviews and oral testimonies that predate COVID-19 by decades, reflecting a desire to document the life experiences of various actors. Following diverse interview protocols, which will be discussed in greater detail in the second part of the article, projects that adopt oral history operate under the premise that representative collections consist of historical records produced by a range of actors. Examples of this approach include the projects Documenting the COVID-19 pandemic in Rio Grande do Sul [Documentando a pandemia de COVID-19 no Rio Grande do Sul] and Speak, relative! [Fala, Parente!].

Most pandemic archives in Latin America (63%) adopted a technique for gathering information whose very name reflects the digital transformation: crowdsourcing. This term appears in project creators’ reflections and has been employed globally to refer to the collection of historical records in the context of the pandemic (ZUMTHURM, 2021). A generic definition of crowdsourcing may be stated as follows: a method for collecting information online through open calls for public participation. Originally conceived as a form of production enabled by online collaboration, crowdsourcing gained momentum in the humanities during the 2010s for tasks such as digitizing collections, reviewing automated transcriptions, and enriching metadata for digital archives (cf. MARINO, 2025). As an online collection method geared toward digital archives, as is the case with pandemic projects, crowdsourcing became prominent through initiatives such as the September 11th Digital Archive, the Hurricane Digital Memory Bank, and the Japan Disasters Digital Archive. These cases, like those observed during the pandemic in Latin America, are based on the following logic: unexpected collective events are witnessed by many, whose “vernacular memories” can be documented (HESS, 2007); as recording technologies and internet access have become widespread, unique conditions have emerged for creating collaborative archives through crowdsourcing. In the case of the pandemic in Latin America, projects such as #MemoriesCovid19 [#MemóriaCovid-19], Coronarchives [Coronarchivos], and Memory COVID-19 [Memoria COVID-19] exemplify the many initiatives operating along these lines.

II. Micro view

The strategy of studying pandemic archives in Latin America from a macroanalytical perspective is valuable for identifying broad trends in the profiles of creators and in the choices surrounding how such archives were structured in the context of the pandemic. As observed, the preliminary findings discussed here allow for the formulation of historical research questions and the creation of hypotheses regarding this scenario, as exemplified by the predominance of universities and the use of crowdsourcing. However, closer and more individualized engagement with the projects enables the identification of situations that may go unnoticed in data analysis strategies. These closer approaches were carried out through oral history interviews, source criticism, and ethnography. Regarding oral history, 23 thematic interviews were conducted with project creators, seeking information about their motivations, work dynamics, and the infrastructural aspects of their documentation projects (use of digital technologies, tools, and methods related to the collection, storage, and access to collected materials).⁹ Source criticism was also deployed to publications, interviews, and communications produced by archive creators in academic journals, the press, and on social media. Additionally, inspired by the concept of “digital ethnography” (cf. PAOLI; D’AURIA, 2021), I sought to understand the operational dynamics of the archives, – a particularly important approach for projects hosted on proprietary social media platforms.

II.I. Documenting the pandemic: day-to-day

In addition to the perceptions presented in the first part of the article, it can be argued that projects managed within universities follow a vertical organizational structure. In general, they developed clear hierarchies, with identifiable originators and leaders. All project creators and leaders acknowledged their roles as such during the oral history interviews. Nevertheless, there was unanimous agreement regarding the collaborative and collective nature experienced in the initiatives, as well as in their underlying motivations. In this respect, there was a shared perception that the COVID-19 pandemic – and particularly the quarantine – were unprecedented events that had to be documented in some way. Such common concern, however, gave rise to specific motivations that contributed to the creation of highly diverse projects. The project Archives of the pandemic [Arquivos da pandemia], for instance, focused on the Fiocruz academic community, while On the margins of the pandemic: testimonies of motherhood [Às Margens da Pandemia: relatos da maternidade] centered thematically on motherhood in the context of the pandemic. Moreover, the plurality of approaches characterizes pandemic archives not only within the university setting but extends well beyond, as evidenced by numerous examples: Clothesline of Emotions [Varal de emoções] focused on the Rocinha favela; Peruvian Covid19 Archive [Archivo Peruano Covid19] and COVID-19 in Argentina [COVID-19 en Argentina] were conceived as photographic collections; and Inventory of dreams [Inventário dos sonhos] reflects psychoanalysts’ interest in collecting dream accounts.

The relationship between project leaders and their respective teams was structured around the definition of strategies to achieve previously established objectives, beginning with the division of tasks for the collection of records. Students involved in the Speak, relative! project participated through the Indigenous Tutorial Education Program (PET-Indígena) at the Federal University of Amapá (BARROS, 2021). These students conducted interviews and performed transcription of testimonies. The cataloging and archival organization of records collected by the Archive CR Covid-19 [ArchivoCR Covid-19] were carried out by archival science students in partnership with the team from the National Archive of Costa Rica.¹⁰ Volunteers from Diaries of emergency [Diários de emergência] acted from their specific social positions to gather diaries from contributors, whether they were favela residents or Brazilians living abroad (PEREGRINO; ASSIS, 2022).

Other documenting initiatives, however, operated autonomously and without teams, as in the case of Cloths line of Emotions, managed by two residents of the Rocinha favela (ALVES; SILVA, 2023), and Peruvian COVID-19 Archive, led by photographer Paolo Rally, a resident of Lima (RALLY, 2023). Others adopted decentralized and collaborative dynamics, such as the photojournalists who established COVID Guatemala [COVID Guatemala] (RAMÍREZ, 2023). These cases, whose trajectories were reconstructed through interviews and individualized research efforts, demonstrate that the digital archiving of the pandemic was highly diverse, reflecting both educational and research agendas as well as forms of voluntary engagement by civil society actors. Such plurality extends to the ways in which these archives effectively composed their collections. It is at this point that the self-reflexive character of this article which seeks to examine its findings alongside its research process becomes more evident.

II.II. Crowdsourcing in real life

A brief presentation of the compositional strategies of Latin American pandemic archives, as outlined in the previous section, was based on an analysis of categories recorded in a database. These categories are both stable and standardized: “authorial content”, “data scraping”, “oral history”, and “crowdsourcing”. However, as one draws closer to the history of these archiving projects, the methods of data collection they employ acquire more fluid and dynamic characteristics. Among the memory initiatives whose creators were interviewed, thirteen were initially classified under the “crowdsourcing” label. This is because, in some way, all of them were organized around open calls on the internet aimed at gathering records. Nevertheless, the technical and procedural choices made by these projects reveal the cultural contours, as well as the practical and theoretical challenges encountered during the process of memorializing the pandemic. Furthermore, these histories nuance the various dimensions of archival perceptions and practices constructed by these actors.

The establishment of direct channels using communication tools such as email, messaging applications, and social media platforms represents the simplest form of implementing crowdsourcing projects. For example, Diaries of quarantine [Diários de quarentena] launched calls on social media to promote an email address and a phone number for receiving audio testimonies via WhatsApp. The projects Once upon a time, a pandemic. Uruguay in times of Covid-19 [Había una vez una pandemia. Uruguay en tiempos de Covid-19] and Peruvian Covid19 Archive also made use of email, with the latter additionally employing Instagram’s ‘tagging’ feature, in which a caption refers to a profile in a post. Crowdsourcing initiatives with an interest in gathering metadata about the collected records generally opted for the use of online forms. This is the case for projects such as Archives of the pandemic, which employed the LimeSurvey tool (HEYMANN; BORTOLOTTI, 2022), Inventory of dreams, which utilized the SurveyMonkey platform (MAMEDE, 2022), and many others, such as Testimonies of Isolation [Testemunhos do Isolamento] and Sociocultural (re)configurations in times of pandemic [(Re)configurações socioculturais em tempos de pandemia] which adopted Google Forms (KUSHNIR, 2022; SAITO-FAIRBROTHER & SEMOTO, 2021).

The history of crowdsourcing in the context of pandemic archiving in Latin America, however, takes on more complex dimensions when the mechanisms of data collection begin to challenge what is generally understood as this strategy. Such is the case of Cartography of Memories [Cartografia das memórias]. This project, which aimed to collect sound recordings from the pandemic, issued open calls on the internet soliciting audio contributions, thus being classified under the “crowdsourcing” label in the Coronarchive database. However, in an interview, the project’s creator, Keila Zaché, recounted an incident that piqued her curiosity during the collection process: at a certain point, the project received a large volume of contributions from Lajes Pintadas, a town in the interior of the Brazilian state of Rio Grande do Norte. Zaché noticed that the recorded voices appeared to be those of children. What could have led to this concentration of contributions? Based on the usual definitions of crowdsourcing, one might suspect factors such as algorithms linked to search engines or social networks, given that this is a method reliant on the internet for its operation. Eventually, Zaché managed to contact a local individual, who explained the origin of the high number of contributions: it was a schoolteacher who, after seeing the project’s call on social media, assigned her students the task of contributing to the project as a pedagogical proposal during remote learning. As a result, several students ended up contributing to the project’s collection (ZACHÉ; FERREIRA, 2022).

This type of situation enriches the understanding of crowdsourcing by offering characterizations that diverge from what the category typically encompasses. Nevertheless, such cases call into question the descriptive capacity of crowdsourcing as a category, especially when compared with other initiatives that, while also adopting crowdsourcing, developed markedly different operational dynamics. The project Documenting the Memories of the COVID-19 Pandemic in Bolivia [Documentando las memorias de la pandemia por COVID-19 en Bolivia], for instance, combined the strategy of open calls via the internet with the use of paper forms: when quarantine regulations permitted, team members visited schools and cultural centers in La Paz to collect additional responses through printed forms (QUISBERT, 2023). This example illustrates an awareness of the limitations of digital engagement, which were addressed by physically approaching potential contributors. The case of the project Sociocultural (re)configurations in times of pandemic is also illustrative in this sense: after disappointing results in the initial weeks, the initiative replaced its reliance on open calls with targeted invitations to specific social groups. For the project’s creators, it was this activity – mobilizing cultural groups such as sports associations, theater and dance groups, among others, that existed beyond the digital realm – that ultimately boosted the receipt of forms (SAITO-FAIRBROTHER; SEMOTO, 2021).

Moreover, the challenges of documenting the experiences of specific social groups appear to have been particularly relevant for initiatives that were initially designed according to crowdsourcing parameters but identified deficiencies in this method. Such is the case of On the margins of the pandemic, which specifically sought testimonies from mothers (FIORI; VOLKER, 2021). Another emblematic example is Speak, relative!, which collected accounts from Indigenous communities living in villages in the Oiapoque region. Although the project expressed interest in receiving submissions digitally through an open call typical of crowdsourcing strategies, team members anticipated the limitations of this approach in reaching these populations. Remote access to the internet, lack of proficiency in using certain digital tools, and, above all, the absence of a broader culture of internet and digital technology use, constituted a blind spot in crowdsourcing for this important group. Only the direct, in-person involvement of team members ensured the collection of certain testimonies in the villages (BARROS, 2022).

Cases such as these present challenges for scholars seeking to develop a taxonomy for database analysis. If all such projects are labeled as crowdsourcing, there is the advantage of recognizing that, at a minimum, these were projects that relied on online calls to gather records. Moreover, the nuances regarding how the internet was used are lost in this categorization, since, as the brief examples above illustrate, each project carved out highly specific paths. However, the limitations of crowdsourcing as a term with the potential to universalize the categorization of projects are also evident in other taxonomic categories. The most notable is oral history, since many projects that identified the limitations of crowdsourcing turned to oral interviews as a more effective method of collecting testimonies from specific groups.

II.III. From oral history to “Total Crazy Horse”

The case that best exemplifies the term “oral history”, as defined in the literature (cf. ALBERTI, 2018 [2004]), is the project Documenting the COVID-19 pandemic in Rio Grande do Sul, managed through a partnership between the Public Archives of the State of Rio Grande do Sul and the Federal University of Rio Grande do Sul. The use of oral history methods stemmed from the management team’s perception that crowdsourcing would leave many segments voiceless, such as the homeless, illiterate individuals, the elderly, and even public administrators who might not respond to questionnaires, despite having played significant roles in addressing the pandemic. The project, therefore, conducted interviews following well-established parameters in oral history scholarship, such as structured interview guides, informed consent forms, and transcription processes for the creation of a public accessible repository. Even the use of digital tools to record some conversations sought to adhere to recent guidelines discussed in specialized literature (RODEGHERO; WEIMER, 2021). Thus, this experience fits closely within the characterization of oral history, as represented in the Coronarchive database.

In the case of other projects, however, considerably more heterodox approaches were adopted. Many of the accounts collected in Indigenous villages as part of Speak, relative! resulted from oral interviews, but several were not recorded, and it remains unclear whether a standardized interview guide was used. According to team members, many testimonies were recorded on smartphones and later sent to university-based students whenever internet access was available (BARROS et al., 2022). There, the accounts were transcribed and, when necessary, translated before being posted on Facebook or published in the project’s book (BARROS, 2021).

In the case of On the margins of the pandemic, many oral interviews on motherhood during the pandemic were conducted remotely. However, real-time communication platforms, as discussed and recommended in the literature on digital oral history (cf. SANTHIAGO; MAGALHÃES, 2020), were not always used. Often, communication occurred via WhatsApp, with exchanges consisting of short or long voice messages interspersed with brief written texts. Sometimes, responses were limited to brief ‘y’ or ‘n’ messages. It could take days for a particular question to be answered, and some interviews were simply abandoned (FIORI; VOLKER, 2021).

Once the interviews had been completed, the project leaders faced a methodological challenge: how to process the interviews, archive them, and make them accessible in some way? The resolution depended on the actions of students who received scholarships to collect and transcribe the material. Some transcribed the audio and written messages verbatim, preserving features of orality, interruptions, and grammatical deviations – even if this made the testimonies more difficult to interpret. Others undertook more incisive interventions during transcription, creating first-person narratives based on the testimonies collected, resulting in more intelligible and cohesive texts in itself (FIORI; VOLKER, 2021). As a result, the project’s collection consists of written testimonies produced through highly particular processes, integrated side by side within a single repository. This complicates any attempt to characterize the data-gathering strategy strictly as oral history – understanding the term according to its more rigorous methodological definitions and in comparison to, for instance, Documenting the COVID-19 pandemic in Rio Grande do Sul. Nevertheless, the core goal – to collect histories orally – was achieved. On the margins of the pandemic is the only project exclusively focused on motherhood identified in Latin America. Furthermore, throughout the process, the group maintained an interdisciplinary study routine under the guidance of the professors who created the project. Finally, variations in the transcription process led to important epistemological reflections, according to the team, including those concerning the different ways of conducting and transcribing oral testimonies.

A final paradigmatic case to be discussed is that of the Reflections Project [Projeto Reflexões], an independent initiative created by Rogério de Andrade, a technical employee at the Public Archive of the State of São Paulo. Regarding the choice of strategy for assembling his collection – which is partially available to the public on Instagram and, more prominently, published in the book Histórias da COVID-19: a primeira onda no Brasil (2021) – Andrade stated, “I didn’t want to focus on the middle class, because I know the middle class (...). I hadn’t seen a book talking about the common people. And I don’t really know what ‘common people’ are”. To achieve this aim, the self-described “entrepreneur” adopted an intuitive and experimental documenting strategy. Using his own resources, Andrade hired a student from a Social Services program with roots in Sapopemba, a neighborhood located in the southern zone of São Paulo – a region among the hardest hit by COVID-19 in the city. There, Andrade considered himself as an outsider; but he believed the hiree possessed “the smart street approach, the language of the milieu” (ANDRADE, 2022b). With a loosely defined interview script, Andrade identified the themes and groups he wished to engage. Equipped with a mobile phone recorder, student Camila Felizardo went into the field and interviewed manicurists, street market vendors, evangelical churchgoers, and other local residents (ANDRADE, 2022a).

While collection efforts unfolded on the periphery, Andrade approached individuals to whom he believed he had access. The interviews conducted with this diverse group ranging from healthcare workers to military personnel were carried out remotely. Nevertheless, the procedures used did not closely align with the methodological protocols of disciplines that employ interviews as a foundational data collection tool, such as anthropology or oral history. According to Andrade, he frequently sent bottles or cans of beer to his interviewees via delivery apps. During video calls, he and the interviewees would toast from a distance, and the conversation, which could last for hours, would begin. Dozens of interviews were conducted, although not all were deemed sufficiently compelling to be included in the book, according to Andrade’s own criteria. The idea was to gather as much material as possible and then filter it. Andrade described his role in the process as “completely crazy” (ANDRADE, 2022b).

While providing feedback to his hiree – and at times expressing frustration by her alleged deviations from the established script – Andrade began to realize the scope of the task involved in transcribing all the recordings. “I am not a sociologist, I am not a historian”, he reflected, “I need help”. The solution was to hire two additional individuals: a teacher to assist with the transcription of the interviews and a researcher who acted as both reviewer and writing instructor. The collected testimonies were neither transcribed verbatim to preserve orality, nor were they merely adapted to written language with minimal alterations. Also, no third-person narrative was composed to recount the interviewees’ stories. Instead, Andrade composed first-person narratives, adopting the voice of the interviewees while using his own words and seeking to establish a distinct style. In his view, the significance of the accounts lay not in the authenticity or organic quality of the originals, but in the information they conveyed. The process of refining the writing lasted six months, with numerous drafts reviewed by the writing consultant. There was no clear methodological framework underpinning the collection and processing strategies in the Reflections Project. The process was instinctive – “an experimental undertaking”, as Andrade described it. When asked how he would characterize his archival construction method, he responded, laughing, “Total Crazy Horse” (ANDRADE, 2022b).

III. Reflecting on the practice of digital history

The experience of the Reflections Project exemplifies a recurring phenomenon in the history of archiving the COVID-19 pandemic. Its improvised, intuitive, and unconventional character – extending even to the “Total Crazy Horse” method – emerges to varying degrees across different initiatives. This trait can be linked to the emergency aspect of the pandemic, as all those involved acted rapidly to collect accounts of an unexpected event in real time. Consequently, assessing the strategies for constructing an archival memory of the pandemic within academic disciplinary boundaries proves to be a complex task.

Regarding oral history amid digital transformation, William Schneider (2014, p. 21, 30) highlights the importance of maintaining “as much as the original account as possible” during transcription, in order to retain contextual information for “future users”. Many of the interviews conducted by pandemic archives do not conform to this and other definitions of oral history “best practices” (Cf. ALBERTI, 2018 [2004]). Nevertheless, one should reiterate the context in which these archives were constructed, marked by urgent health circumstances, pain, fear, and trauma. Moreover, the motivation to improvise and to move beyond the “textbook” often stemmed from the perception that traditional methods were unfit for the situation at hand. The unconventional testimonies produced via WhatsApp by projects such as On the margins of the pandemic and Speak, relative!, for instance, may constitute some of the richest historical records concerning motherhood and Indigenous communities during the pandemic. The unorthodox and freely transcribed interviews of the Reflections Project today represent a unique publication on the pandemic experience in one of the neighborhoods most affected by the disease in Latin America’s largest metropolis.

More than merely characterizing the archiving landscape of the COVID-19 pandemic in Latin America, however, the situation described through these focused studies offers valuable insights for reflecting on methods and approaches for the practice of historical research in digital environments. The first part of this article, grounded in a macro-level analysis, made it possible to delineate global trends and to formulate research questions through large-scale relational analyses.

The second part, however, not only provided particular nuances regarding the history of each archival project but also frequently questioned the uniformity of categories such as “crowdsourcing” and “oral history”, which, in the initial stage, seemed to homogenize multiple and plural cases into monolithic units amenable to quantitative analysis through computational means. Rather than emphasizing the history of pandemic archiving, the following discussion seeks to unpack the meaning of this methodological tension, suggesting procedural pathways for what has come to be termed digital history.

III.I. History and databases

The macro perspective adopted in the first part of this article engages with a broader movement within contemporary historiography, characterized by the use of large-scale data processing tools. This trend is exemplified by the recalibration of longue durée perspectives (GULDI; ARMITAGE, 2014), though its development can be traced back to the optimistic commentary by historians regarding computing in the 1970s (BALHANA; WESTPHALEN, 1973; LADURIE, 1973). Other currents in historical research – such as network analysis and conceptual history based on text mining – also rely on the exploration of extensive datasets using computational resources (cf. PEREIRA; ARAUJO, 2017; PRELL, 2011). In all these cases, the role of digital tools centers on the datafication of information extracted from historical sources, as Trevor Barnes summarized (2013, p. 299): “for big data to have purchase, information needs to be converted into numbers, into data”. Serial data support long-term economic analyses; the cross-referencing of names in databases enables reconstruction of large-scale epistolary networks; the identification of patterns in words and syntactic structures allows for distant reading of an entire era or genre of literature at once… Such examples differ in terms of data types, disciplinary approach, and topic, but all have in common computing functions as an extension of the human function of quantitative data processing (GENET, 1986). In each case, computers automate operations involving quantities of data that would be humanly impossible (or, at least, extremely onerous) to process (MANNING, 2013).

The Coronarchive database is part of the initiatives that leverage database analysis to generate original and insightful research questions. In order to analyze the landscape of COVID-19 memory projects in Latin America, the Coronarchive team compiled the characteristics of these archives into structured data, with the goal of facilitating computational analysis. The benefits of this methodological choice are evident in the initial part of the article: beyond enabling statistical appreciation of the projects, data analysis made it possible to formulate new research questions. Still, for such a study to be feasible, it was necessary to standardize the terminology utilized within Coronarchive’s taxonomy. For a computer to process data regarding, for example, the type of project manager, such data must be parameterized using standardized units. In other words, projects must be classified as managed by a “University”, a “Civil Society Organization”, or a “Public Archive”. A typographical error or the creation of descriptors without a common counterpart renders computational processing unworkable. Nevertheless, the central challenge of what might be termed “data-driven history” surpasses these concerns. The main issue lies in the categorization of information: what if “crowdsourcing” does not refer to the same concept in every instance in which it is applied? What if “oral history” fails to adequately define the specific modus operandi through which historical records are gathered? Reflecting on such questions requires an understanding a key corollary of databases: “if it can’t be counted, it can’t be included” (BARNES, 2013, p. 299). The methodological, epistemic, and ethical implications of this realization warrant careful consideration.

The datafication of information extracted from historical sources is not a neutral operation (GIL, 2021). Labeling the process of collecting historical records from a pandemic archive as “crowdsourcing”, “data scraping”, or “oral history” requires critical reflection on what is understood by these terms and why the experience of a particular project falls into one category or another. Clarifying these criteria is a relevant procedure, because their understanding cannot be assumed as common sense (STERNFELD, 2011). For example, “oral history” may be used generally to mean “stories collected orally”, but it may also refer specifically to the academic discipline or even its use within journalism (FAULKENBURY, 2020). Such conceptual polysemy poses a challenge to any historical project based on computational data analysis. As Joshua Sternfeld (2011, p. 557) discusses, the logical associations justifying the process of datafication are often diluted in the user’s experience when accessing specific data. This instability opens up space for decontextualized narratives that do not necessarily align with the underlying histories of each category. The disconnect between the category of analysis and the lived experience of archival processes during the pandemic, especially as they relate to the collection of records, illustrates this problem.

A historiographical perspective with significant potential for critical reflection on this topic is the case of databases concerning enslaved populations, a subject examined by Aldair Rodrigues. According to him, a significant concern regarding the extensive use of Big Data approaches in historical studies pertains to the “hyperfragmentation of life trajectories”, with the risk that such analytical procedures may obscure “the visibility of human experiences found between the lines of sources, underestimating historical agency and the voices of marginalized subjects” (RODRIGUES, 2022, p. 152). The compilation of information extracted from historical documents into databases has not only become common but also plays an important role in studies of the transatlantic slave trade, for reasons such as accessibility and even resistance to diasporic violence, which has itself scattered the sources necessary to study this global phenomenon (AZOULAY, 2019). Nevertheless, considering the nature of violence present in these documents – often produced by colonial bureaucratic structures designed to normalize the enslavement of people –, Rodrigues reflects on the ethical and epistemological limits of constructing such databases. He argues that it is essential to consider how the choice of one standardized term over another may risk reproducing a “contemporary commodification of African lives, potentially turning them into mere academic products through racialized lenses” (RODRIGUES, 2022, p. 152).

Rodrigues’s proposal to focus on the use of terms related to African origins and to create entries centered on enslaved individuals rather than on records of ownership by colonizers illustrates how the definition of metadata must involve not only epistemological and methodological concerns, but also ethical ones. This is because, fundamentally, databases constitute a form of narrative (GIL, 2021). The process of datafying information from historical documents imposes a specific logic upon the data. This “recombinant history” (ANDERSON, 2014), however, generally appears in data form as decontextualized, as Sternfeld (2011) has emphasized – whether as a spreadsheet or some form of graphical visualization. As Laura Putnam (2016, p. 379) has cautioned, this “new topography of information has systematic blind spots”. The “rhetoric of objectivity” inherent to Big Data, as Nicodemo and Cardoso (2019, p. 21) term it, refers to the construction of a persuasive ideology, a “Sirens’ song” to use Tiago Gil’s (2024, p. 6) expression. Frequently conveying the impression that it consists of perfect and unbiased records, representative of a totality, data-driven history may thus foster a narrative that are minimally self-reflexive and limited in terms of theoretical critique – ultimately, as Gil (2024) provocatively labeled it, amounting to “digital neopositivism.”

Thinking through taxonomies and databases also requires reflection on the very notion of classification, which has historically been used to “dominate, discipline, and exclude” (D’IGNAZIO & KLEIN, 2020, p. 123). It can therefore be argued that the language of databases is, in some sense, a culmination of “archival consignation” in the digital age, to recall Derrida’s (2017 [1995]) term. The appeal of D’Ignazio and Klein (2020) regarding what they call “data feminism” derives from the critique that the totalizing rhetoric embedded in Big Data-based knowledge frequently naturalizes the forms of inequality embedded in database construction. According to them, the binary aspect circumscribed by categorization, expressed through the imperative for normative standardization of entries, can draw upon gender studies as a means of refining questions and generate new answers (D’IGNAZIO & KLEIN, 2020, p. 97–123). This is the case with the notion of “queer”, which has been used as an umbrella concept for a range of experiences united by their critique of binarism. One of the main challenges in constructing “queer digital humanities” as a field, according to Ruberg and collaborators (2018, p. 120–122), resides precisely in the function of “messiness” embodied in this idea – a function that stands in tension with Big Data’s demand to “organize”: whereas the act of “queering” moves toward critiquing norms, destabilizing patterns in the name of the agency of those who do not see themselves reflected in particular taxonomic orders, databases aspire to stability.

D’Ignazio and Klein (2020, p. 114-115) argue that plural and sophisticated categorizations, which are more attentive to the agency of marginalized groups, should be employed within an ongoing process of methodological revision. The goal is “to push simple, oppressive ideas to be more complex, nuanced, and just”. However, the practice of taxonomic refinement in history proves to be challenging, as Gil (2021) has noted. There are cases within the pandemic archives that illustrate this difficulty. The project COVID-19 in Argentina, for instance, organized its archive on an Instagram page composed of photographs managed in a decentralized manner by a network of photographers. The experience of COVID Guatemala is similar, but the process of collecting and publishing photographs by more than 50 photojournalists was centralized. These projects do not fit into the “crowdsourcing” category, as there was no open call for contributions; rather, they fall under “authorial content” since the documents were created by project members. Nevertheless, the initiatives differ regarding the collection dynamics: the former features a decentralized sharing element, while the latter is centralized. Such nuances are present in most projects labeled as “authorial content”. One possible solution would be to fragment the collection category, refining its granularity (cf. GIL, 2021; PUTNAM, 2016). However, the process of constructing and reconstructing taxonomic criteria according to the demands of each case may resemble an endless task. Revisiting the case of “Total Crazy Horse” provides a comprehensive paradigm for this reflection: the various levels of complexity inherent to such a singular historical experience raise questions about the potentially insurmountable limits of databases, given that there may be minimal shared data among projects due to their high degree of specificity.

III.II. Macro and micro: debating strategies

The reflections presented in the previous pages offer a rich ground for considering the conceptual relationship between categorization, databases, historical experience, and research practice in the case of pandemic archives in Latin America. Figuratively speaking, might categories such as “crowdsourcing”, “oral history”, and “authorial content” function as reductive normative categories that foster a rhetoric of universality, thereby marginalizing the concrete experience of record collection in pandemic archives? Is it possible that the agency of these actors – evident in ethnography and oral history with project creators – is diminished by the impositions made by the researcher-creator of the database? To some extent, the answer is yes. All forms of categorization are, in some way, reductive, as D’Ignazio and Klein (2020) have pointed out. However, following Gil’s (2021) proposal regarding the integration of databases into the métier of the digital historian, it is important to recall that, just as the process of datafication is inevitably simplificatory to some degree, so too are the processes of documentary interpretation and historical writing.

Michel de Certeau (2011 [1975]) observes that historical writing, in a certain sense, is little more than a process of extracting information and translating it into semantic chains according to specific parameters (practices) that originate from a given social place. Paul Veyne (1998 [1971], p. 104), in turn, asserted that “history is the description of the individual through the universal”. According to him, “historical concepts are peculiar instruments: they enable understanding because they are rich in a sense that exceeds any possible definition; for the same reason, they are a perpetual incitement to misunderstanding” (VEYNE, 1998 [1971], p. 105). Conceptualizing and categorizing therefore entail, to some degree, the paradox of comprehending within a universal logical sequence while simultaneously reducing the meaning to a word that, in itself, is only a word (VEYNE, 1998 [1971], pp. 110–113). Following this theoretical framework, one could say that written history, like a database, constitutes a necessarily incomplete representation of historical experience; incompleteness is, therefore, a distinguishing feature of the historian’s work (ROUDINESCO, 2006). Nevertheless, when considering the rise of data analysis methodologies, one should focus on the degree and perspective afforded by the historian’s lens as our main object of reflection.

The history of information collection by pandemic archives in Latin America, as presented in this article, emerges from the conjunction of two narratives: a macro-history grounded in the analysis of spreadsheet data, and a succession of micro-histories that trace the trajectories of project creators. In a certain sense, the most straightforward approach to deriving meaning from the relationship between these two narratives –both concerned with the same subject – is one of conciliation, understanding that the two perspectives proposed here are complementary (Cf. GRAHAM; MILLIGAN; WEINGART, 2021; “Microhistory Today”, 2017). Indeed, as methodological and epistemic guides, the macroscopic and microscopic perspectives are not exactly antagonistic, as argued by Tim Hitchcock (2014). Macro-level analysis of the Coronarchive database provides indispensable information on global patterns, which is essential for contextualizing and evaluating individual experiences: for instance, the reconstruction of data collection practices via the internet in the case of Indigenous communities or mothers echoes macro conceptual and historiographical questions that can only be identified by recognizing the global relevance of crowdsourcing. Conversely, the trajectories of pandemic memory project creators take on meaning as extracts of the history of the archival processes in the context of broader issues, such as digital transformation and memorial responses to disruptive global events. This perspective is particularly notable in the case under study, aligning with trends discussed by microhistorians in light of recent historiographical shifts (Cf. LAITE, 2020).

However, pointing to a “middle way” as a harmonious solution to what appears to be a theoretical-methodological conflict is insufficient, as the microhistorical trajectories revealed did not merely complement the information found in the Coronarchive database; they frequently introduce points of tension and confrontation. The case of “Total Crazy Horse” in the Reflections Project or the transcription of mothers’ testimonies in On the margins of the pandemic challenge the normalized categories of the database. In these cases, there is no harmony, but tension and contestation. Therefore, in these disputes, metaphorically speaking, which approach prevails? At first glance, the microhistorical approach, for two reasons. First, because although it is generally accepted that the work of the historian inevitably involves making generalizations and simplifications, as previously discussed, the degree of generalization within the narrative of the database becomes so pronounced – when viewed from the standpoint of each project’s individual experience – that it seems to no longer do justice to the lived experiences of Latin American agents of memory.¹¹ Second, the microhistorical perspective provides a far richer account of the agency at work within the projects. Whereas the statistical explanation offered by the database treats projects as normalized entries, that is, as machine-readable tabular data, the microhistory of the collections brings forth flesh-and-blood individuals, agents whose trajectories shape, in profoundly human ways, the forms through which historical records regarding the COVID-19 pandemic were gathered.

This proposition contributes to ongoing debates regarding research practices in history within digital environments. In 2014, Steve Anderson (2014, p. 112) observed that “’big data’ seems to be winning the battle for digital history”. Indeed, while the rise of diverse methodologies and historiographical approaches in digital contexts has also facilitated the study of “small histories”, in recent years the prevalence of “big histories” appears to persist (LAITE, 2020, p. 963). Nonetheless, it can be argued that methodologies enabling more particularized engagement with historical agents and events should be evaluated as fundamental approaches in digital history. Such is the case of digital ethnography (PAOLI; D’AURIA, 2021; UNDERBERG; ZORN, 2013), which demands transdisciplinary efforts, source criticism, and also oral history – the most fruitful historiographical strategy in the research underlying this article.

Stephen Sloan (2014, p. 184) argued that, although the value of oral history may appear to be declining in the face of increasing reliance on data, it in fact becomes even more significant, as, amid quantitative escalation, “qualitative understanding is needed more than ever”. Reflective experience concerning history, databases, and oral history – specifically in the context of pandemic archives – corroborates this argument and adds that oral history can give voice to agents whose experiences are often homogenized through the process of datafication. Therefore, trajectories uncovered by oral history interviews and ethnographic approaches should not be “turned inside out” merely to fit database categories; instead, the process should be reversed. This aligns with Gil’s (2021) perspective on the use of databases in history, emphasizing the continuous revision of criteria and the development of finer granularity, so that what might otherwise be presented more thoughtfully in textual paragraphs is not oversimplified into cellular categories.

In conclusion, this perception generates an important practical dilemma for historical research conducted within digital frameworks: if sound database construction practices necessarily depend on detailed studies to ensure fairness in taxonomic variables, is there not an inherent dissonance in advocating the use of databases as a tool to evaluate that which is too vast for human comprehension? In the case the Coronarchive project, the categorization entailed mapping various constitutive aspects of 120 Latin American archives, many of which are managed by anonymous or unknown agents. Meticulous engagement with each case proved unfeasible by the conditions of the research, a problem that extends to the global context of digital history research, as identified by Putnam (2016). This does not necessarily imply abandoning the use of databases, especially given the significant contributions this approach can offer to historical scholarship. However, it is essential to emphasize that databases must remain flexible and adaptive, continuously evolving throughout the investigative process. In a certain sense, a colloquial metaphor that was widely used in Brazil during the pandemic period aptly encapsulates what this research experience reveals about the use of databases in historical research: one must “change the tire while the car is moving”. Clearly, accomplishing this task perfectly is unlikely. Yet if there is a historiographical imperative to employ databases in contemporary historical research, it should not stem merely from the impulse to use computational tools, but rather from the enriching potential these resources offer. Thus, the constant maintenance and improvement of databases throughout the research process constitutes a permanent necessity.

Final remarks

Based on two methodological approaches, this article has sought to examine the history of a relevant contemporary phenomenon: the archiving of the COVID-19 pandemic in Latin America. Understanding the history of these initiatives, their actors, and their forms of documentation will be essential for conducting historical research on the pandemic itself and on a global scale. Although this article does not allow space for important reflections on how the nature of these archives may shape the writing of this history, it can be stated that the characterization presented here is a necessary step toward understanding how such archives have been created since 2020.

The first part of this article emphasized what was termed a “macro perspective” on the issue, employing datafication techniques to formulate relevant research questions, as well as to identify global trends that, in turn, prompt wider historiographical discussions. Through this approach, it was possible to observe the central role played by universities in managing digital pandemic archives in the region, as well as to recognize that information-gathering methods such as oral history and, especially, crowdsourcing were fundamental in shaping archives based on expectations of collaboration and sharing. The second part of the article undertook a more careful and particularized exploration, presented as a necessary step for the critique and improvement of methods for composing and analyzing data. Through ethnographic approaches and oral history, among other particularized methods, it was possible to glimpse the micro-history of creators of archiving initiatives across different Latin American contexts. One can observe, for instance, the challenges in conducting open calls on the internet, as well as the creative and unorthodox ways of collecting oral histories and the exploratory process of actors who were collecting and archiving records for the first time. Thus, in addition to providing more evident conceptual precision with regard to the taxonomic criteria of the database referred to in the article’s first part, ethnography and oral history aimed at grounding historical actors in their particular experiences. The agency of these individuals is considerably greater in this context than when they are treated merely as entries in a spreadsheet.

Beyond introducing the landscape of pandemic archiving in Latin America, therefore, this article is also self-reflexive, questioning how the relationship between the two research strategies one adopted may generate enriching reflections for debates within digital history. In other words, it sought to engage in a “hermeneutics of practice”, so that the object of this article was both the archiving of the pandemic and the very act of studying the history of pandemic archiving itself. Initially, one proposed that the two strategies, the “macro view” and the “micro view”, could be complementary, each contributing to address the blind spots of the other. When observed together, therefore, the first and second parts of this article have greater value than they do separately. However, as argued, the first part depends on the second more than the other way around, which reiterates the relevance of individual trajectories amid the insertion of database logic into historiographical practice.

By articulating methodological, theoretical, and even ethical concerns regarding the potential reductions resulting from the extensive and uncritical adoption of data analysis, the article advances a critique of this approach. By pointing the expressiveness with which what was called “data-driven history” has risen, it underscores concerns, exemplified by the silencing of minorities and the imposition of overly simplistic data structures upon complex historical events. This methodological tension, then, leads to the argument that detailed studies must be increasingly incorporated into data-driven history efforts. When dealing with peripheral or marginalized agents, marked by conditions of precarity and exclusion, this concern becomes even more salient. This is the case for many COVID-19 memory agents in Latin America who operate informally under precarious infrastructural conditions, but above all, for those marked by long-standing historical inequalities.

1
The article has not been made available on any preprint platform. All sources and references used are properly cited. No Artificial Intelligence tools were used in writing the article, researching sources, or analyzing the data. The article is derived from the PhD dissertation “Archiving the Pandemic: Digital Transformation and the Struggle for Memory in Latin America,” defended at the Universidade Estadual de Campinas – Unicamp, in 2024.
5
I do not undertake, in this article, a theoretical discussion of the reasons why such projects may be considered “archives.” On this matter, see: MARINO, 2024.
6
The categories were developed through a continuous process that began in the second half of 2020 and is not necessarily complete as this article is being written. The approach to these characteristics results from a combination of ethnographic engagement and the conducting of oral history interviews, as will be emphasized in the second part of this article.
7
The complete dataset is available at the Unicamp Research Data Repository, accessible via: https://redu.unicamp.br/dataset.xhtml?persistentId=doi:10.25824/redu/TKYHCZ. Additionally, users may explore the data through the dashboard developed by the Center for Digital Humanities-Unicamp: https://chd.ifch.unicamp.br/node/84.
8
These two aspects were selected, primarily, because they are significant for an initial characterization of the digital archiving landscape during the pandemic in Latin America. Additionally, they provide information that contributes to the theoretical and methodological debate on the practice of digital history, as will be discussed in the third section of the article.
9
The interviews conducted are publicly accessible in the Unicamp Research Data Repository.
10
“It was like teaching them to do something they were studying”, reflected Javier Jiménez, Director of the National Archive of Costa Rica (2023).
11
Each cell in a spreadsheet has its own history, as noted by Tom Robisheaux (In: “Microhistory Today,” 2017, p. 32).

Research data availability

all data are available in the text

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Edited by

Responsible Editors
Maria Cristina Correira Leandro Pereira and Miguel Palmeira

Publication Dates

Publication in this collection
22 June 2026
Date of issue
2026

History

Received
13 Nov 2024
Accepted
15 Oct 2025

Este é um artigo publicado em acesso aberto (Open Access) sob a licença Creative Commons Attribution, que permite uso, distribuição e reprodução em qualquer meio, sem restrições desde que o trabalho original seja corretamente citado.

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Category	Description	Examples
Name	Name of the initiative	–
Country	Country of origin	–
Creator/manager (name)	Specific name of the institution/individual/collective responsible for the creation and management of the archive	-
Type of creator/manager	Types of creators/managers	University, independent/autonomous; civil society organisation; archive; museum; among others.
Strategy to compose the archive	Strategies employed for the composition of collections	Crowdsourcing, authorial production, oral history, and data scraping.
Tools used for collecting	Tools utilised to facilitate records collection strategies	E-mail, Google Forms, and WhatsApp; upload via website, Facebook, SurveyMonkey, among others.
Availability of the collection	The way each file made its collection available	Website, Instagram, YouTube; book, Facebook, Spotify, Google Drive; Wikipedia; among others.
Types of documents	Types of archived records	Written testimony, photographs, audio testimony, videos, statistical data, drawings, memes, and poetry, among others.
Tools for promotion	Modes of dissemination and/or invitation for participation	Website, Instagram, Facebook, YouTube, Twitter, newspaper, among others.
Description	Brief summary	–

THE MACRO AND THE MICRO IN DIGITAL HISTORY: A REFLECTION ON RESEARCH PRACTICE BASED ON LATIN AMERICAN PANDEMIC ARCHIVES1