Gender inequalities and intersectionalities in the working lives of immigrant women and their impact on health

Abstract

Introduction  Although women have always been part of migratory flows, they have historically been rendered invisible by analyses that reduced them to secondary roles within the family. However, their growing and active participation in international migration has recently been highlighted, repositioning them as key players in these processes and revealing the global significance of female migration.

Objective  To reflect on the impacts of inequalities in working conditions and their repercussions on the health of immigrant women, considering the intersection of gender, race-ethnicity, and social class.

Method  This theoretical-reflexive academic essay used the intersectionality between the categories of gender, social class, and race-ethnicity as a theoretical-philosophical framework. Results: The intersection of work, gender, and migration creates precarious working conditions for poor and racialized immigrant women, with severe impacts on their physical, reproductive, and mental health. Employed in informal and undervalued occupations, immigrant women may face exhausting work hours, sexual and labor exploitation, and barriers to accessing healthcare. This precariousness, compounded by xenophobia, racism, and the sexual division of labor, perpetuates cycles of illness and marginalization.

Conclusion  Intersectional analysis reveals how combined oppressions sustain this reality, highlighting the urgency of policies that confront not only vulnerabilities but also the structures that naturalize exploitation in the context of migration.

Keywords:
Job Market; Gender Studies; Human Migration; Social Class; Women, Working; Occupational Health

Resumo

Introdução  Apesar de sempre estarem presentes nos fluxos migratórios, as mulheres foram historicamente invisibilizadas por análises que as reduziam a papéis secundários. Entretanto, atualmente, destaca-se sua crescente e ativa participação nas migrações internacionais, reposicionando-as como protagonistas desses processos e enfatizando a relevância global da migração feminina.

Objetivo  Refletir sobre os impactos das desigualdades nas condições de trabalho e seus reflexos na saúde de mulheres imigrantes, considerando a intersecção entre gênero, raça-etnia e classe social.

Método  Ensaio acadêmico teórico-reflexivo que usou como referencial teórico-filosófico a interseccionalidade entre as categorias: gênero, classe social e raça-etnia.

Resultados  A intersecção entre trabalho, gênero e migração configura condições laborais precárias para mulheres imigrantes pobres e racializadas, com impactos severos em sua saúde física, reprodutiva e mental. Inseridas em ocupações informais e desvalorizadas, as mulheres imigrantes podem enfrentar jornadas exaustivas, exploração sexual e laboral, além de barreiras no acesso aos serviços de saúde. Essa precariedade, agravada por xenofobia, racismo e pela divisão sexual do trabalho, perpetua ciclos de adoecimento e marginalização.

Conclusão  A análise interseccional revela como as opressões combinadas sustentam essa realidade, destacando a urgência de políticas que confrontem não apenas as vulnerabilidades, mas também as estruturas que naturalizam a exploração no contexto migratório.

Palavras-chave:
Mercado de Trabalho; Estudos de Gênero; Migração Humana; Classe Social; Mulheres Trabalhadoras; Saúde do Trabalhador

Introduction

Growing global inequality, political and environmental crises, and human rights violations have intensified migratory flows, highlighting the vulnerability of refugees and immigrants. Against this backdrop, female migration gains relevance, as women represent more than half of the immigrant population, often driven by poverty, violence, or the need to support their families. This reality contrasts with neoliberal discourses that celebrate female autonomy but ignore the inequalities faced by these women¹,².

According to data from the International Labor Organization (ILO) published in 2024 regarding the year 2022, of the approximately 167.7 million immigrants in the global workforce, 155.6 million were employed. Regarding immigrant women, the employment-to-population ratio was only 48.1%, compared to 72.8% among immigrant men. Furthermore, immigrants faced a higher unemployment rate (7.2%) compared to native-born workers (5.2%). Female immigrants had even higher unemployment rates (8.7%) than male immigrants (6.2%). This can be attributed to factors such as language barriers, the lack of recognition of qualifications, discrimination, limited access to child care services, and gender expectations that limit employment opportunities, especially for women³.

According to the same report, international immigrants continue to play a vital role in the global labor market, accounting for 4.7% of the workforce. Of this group, approximately 102.7 million were men and 64.9 million were women. Most of these workers were concentrated in high-income countries, which accounted for 68.4% of the total, followed by 17.4% in upper-middle-income countries³.

Beyond these disparities in the formal labor market, immigrants are disproportionately exposed to contemporary forms of exploitation. Modern slavery, which particularly affects vulnerable groups, generates, according to the ILO, approximately $236 billion annually in illegal profits, mostly from withheld wages. These figures strengthen criminal networks and fuel cycles of exploitation intrinsically linked to migration flows, in which the intersection of socioeconomic, gender, and legal vulnerabilities amplifies risks for already marginalized populations, perpetuating dynamics of exclusion and abuse³,⁴.

These dynamics, in turn, are directly linked to migration flows, creating a scenario in which socioeconomic precariousness, barriers to labor market entry, and a lack of social protection facilitate the emergence of new and perverse forms of subjugation, increasing the risks for migrant populations already marginalized in formal work contexts.

In Brazil, this scenario manifests itself in a particular way in recent migration flows. Although the country has a tradition of welcoming immigrants, those coming from the Global South, such as Bolivians, Haitians, and Venezuelans, often face precarious labor market integration and greater vulnerability, in contrast to the more favorable reception given to skilled labor from the Global North. This precariousness is intersected by inequalities of social class (class), race-ethnicity, and gender, as observed in the current Venezuelan migratory flow. In Roraima, for example, many immigrant women hold jobs associated with caregiving and domestic work in affluent neighborhoods, while others, faced with a lack of opportunities, are driven into sex work as a means of subsistence, leaving them exposed to various forms of violence⁵,⁶.

Since Mirjana Morokvasic’s seminal study⁷ in 1984, numerous studies have demonstrated that women have always been part of migratory flows, often in significant numbers. However, their experiences have historically been neglected due to analyses based on the logic of the nuclear family, the basic unit for the reproduction of the values, hierarchies, and divisions of labor within the patriarchal system, in which men play the role of provider and women a secondary role focused solely on family reunification. This perspective ignores the work, paid or unpaid, performed by immigrant women, contributing to their invisibility. Thus, the increase in female participation in international migration and, consequently, their greater visibility, especially through gender studies, have helped reposition them as protagonists of migratory movements²,⁸.

Thus, processes of human mobility are intersected by gender relations; that is, the social constructs attributed to men and women act as structuring elements of migratory dynamics, interacting with other markers such as class and race-ethnicity. Subordination based on these social markers of difference constitutes the essential framework for any critical analysis of the mechanisms that generate and perpetuate the marginalization and exclusion of immigrant women².

In this context, it is essential to recognize that immigrant women face not only the challenges common to international migration but also a set of gender inequalities intersecting with the aforementioned social markers that shape their labor trajectories. Work overload, informality, low wages, and exposure to occupational risks are frequently associated with a reality of social and institutional invisibility. Such labor inequalities can directly impact the physical and mental health of these women, especially in the absence of public policies that take their specific circumstances into account.

Thus, this academic essay aimed to reflect on the impacts of inequalities in working conditions and their repercussions on the health of immigrant women, considering the intersection of gender, race-ethnicity, and class.

The relevance of this analysis lies in the need to understand how markers of gender, class, and race/ethnicity intersect to exacerbate the vulnerability of immigrant women in the workplace. The scarcity of specific data and effective public policies contributes to the invisibility of the suffering and illness of these workers. Analyses that highlight these inequalities are fundamental to informing intersectoral actions aimed at promoting equity in health and work.

Theoretical-philosophical framework

The category of gender emerges as an analytical tool for deconstructing historically constructed hierarchies, particularly between men and women, by challenging the essentialist view that assigns social roles based on biological sex. Unlike biological sex, which refers to anatomical and physiological characteristics, gender is a sociocultural, linguistic, and historical construct that defines expectations, behaviors, and power relations between the sexes. This perspective demonstrates that inequalities are not immutable or determined by biology but are products of social dynamics that vary according to context. Thus, gender allows us to analyze how differences between the masculine and the feminine are interpreted and reinforced by social structures, transcending simple biological duality⁹,¹⁰.

Class is a key element in the analysis of structural inequalities in societies. In the context of migration, class not only defines an individual’s economic position but can also determine their access to basic rights, such as healthcare, education, and formal employment in the destination country. Low-income immigrant women often face precarious living conditions, being absorbed into informal, low-paying jobs without any legal protection. Such material precariousness creates a vulnerability that can restrict their autonomy and hinder the breaking of cycles of violence⁵,⁶.

Race and ethnicity also constitute a crucial category for understanding the dynamics of oppression and exclusion. Immigrants whose phenotypic characteristics, such as skin color, hair texture, or physical features, differ from the norms of the host society are subject to ethnic and racial discrimination. This distinction can intensify violence, as it exposes them to negative stereotypes, prejudice, and marginalization. Furthermore, cultural differences and language barriers often hinder their social integration, making them more vulnerable targets of various forms of violence. Thus, the ethnicization/racialization of social relations deepens inequalities and increases the risks to which these women are subjected⁶.

Intersectionality emerges as a critical tool that analyzes how social categories, such as race or ethnicity, class, gender, sexuality, generation, and nationality, among others, intertwine, producing complex systems of oppression and privilege. Developed from theoretical reflections by Black activists and scholars, this approach demonstrates that forms of subordination such as racism, sexism, ageism, xenophobia, homophobia, aporophobia, and/or class inequality do not operate in isolation, but interact dynamically, mutually reinforcing one another. Thus, intersectionality reveals how power structures operate at multiple levels, creating unique experiences of marginalization or social advantage¹¹-¹⁴.

Thus, the intersectional interplay of these social markers of difference contributes to the precariousness of immigrant women’s work. Class status can influence or even determine their access to employment opportunities, while race and ethnicity tend to intensify marginalization and informality in the working conditions of non-white women. The intersection of these forms of oppression (being an immigrant, a woman, poor, and a person of color) creates a cycle of vulnerability that restricts rights, renders demands invisible, and perpetuates inequalities in the workplace.

Work, gender, and migration: working conditions of immigrant women

Transnational labor transfers highlight deep inequalities in global employment dynamics. In the context of international migration, there has historically been a predominant flow from the Global South to the Global North. However, economically more developed societies tend to view skilled immigration more favorably, as it helps fill specific gaps in their labor markets. This type of migration, generally legalized and institutionally facilitated, is portrayed as strategic and advantageous. It aligns with the economic interests and development model of these countries, which seek to attract highly specialized workers to sectors considered priorities¹⁵,¹⁶.

In contrast, poor and racialized immigrant women face very different realities, often finding themselves in precarious working conditions, with little legal protection and low social value. Their trajectories are largely shaped by informal networks and marked by employment in sectors historically feminized and undervalued, such as domestic work and caregiving activities.

This precariousness is exacerbated when analyzing racial dynamics in the world of work, including in Brazil. Compared to white Brazilian workers, non-white immigrants face significantly more precarious working and economic conditions, highlighting how national origin and race-ethnicity intersect to produce structural disadvantages. Organizations, although they often present themselves as “neutral,” reproduce historical dynamics of racialization, in which whiteness operates as an invisible norm that concentrates power and opportunities. This hierarchy becomes even more explicit in the context of migration: racialized workers face additional barriers because they are foreign, female, and non-white, and are frequently relegated to informal, underpaid jobs with less social protection¹⁶-¹⁹.

Structural racism in labor relations is not limited to individual acts of discrimination but manifests itself in the very organization of the labor market, which normalizes the marginalization of these groups. In the case of immigrant women, this dynamic is exacerbated by the intersection of xenophobia and sexism, creating a cycle of total or partial exclusion from access to basic rights, such as: formal employment, career advancement, and leadership positions, among others. A critical analysis therefore requires examining not only the experiences of poor and racialized immigrant women, but also the institutional and cultural mechanisms that perpetuate their subordination, from biased selection processes to the invisibilization of their economic contributions. This perspective reveals how gender, race and ethnicity, class, and migration interact to shape specific patterns of exploitation, calling for policies that address these intersecting forms of oppression¹⁶-¹⁹.

In a study conducted with immigrant women in Spain, many reported the difficulties they faced in balancing work with childcare and other family responsibilities. They also highlighted the scarcity of social support that would enable adequate care for their children during working hours. They are often forced to allocate a significant portion of their wages to hiring other women for this purpose. This dynamic reveals not only the burden imposed on immigrant women but also the reproduction of a care chain marked by inequalities of gender, class, and race-ethnicity²⁰.

In this scenario of multiple oppressions, we observe the reproduction of a care chain often already present in the countries of origin of these socially disadvantaged immigrants. It is common for the eldest daughter of a poor family to assume domestic responsibilities and the care of her siblings, while the mother works as a nanny for the children of another worker: an upper-class woman, often non-Black. This dynamic of outsourcing care, previously restricted to internal flows such as rural-urban migrations, has increasingly come to occur on a cross-border and transregional scale. These are movements strongly linked to informal migration networks, which facilitate the recruitment and circulation of this female labor force, marked by vulnerabilities and intersected by gender, class, and race-ethnicity².

Gender inequalities in the labor market were also observed among Caribbean immigrants residing in the Maryland region of the United States. In this context, men, on average, earned higher wages than women and reported better mental and physical health²¹.

A study conducted in Brazil showed that, although Syrians, white Venezuelans, Haitians, and Africans faced similar difficulties in the labor market, Black immigrants reported specific experiences of racism. Viewed as cheap and disposable labor, they faced social exclusion and conditions akin to slavery, highlighting the double burden of migration compounded by their race¹⁸,¹⁹.

All of this highlights the perverse way in which women have been drawn into the machinery of the global labor economy, characterized by the feminization of poverty and a logic of exploitation based on the utilitarian value and undervaluation of their labor. Immigrant women are preferred precisely because they often carry social markers of difference that are unfavorable in the context of the host society, which facilitates the precariousness and control of their labor. The demand for this labor is also explained by the low costs and sparse regulation surrounding immigrant labor in many countries, particularly in the Global North, especially in domestic work and care networks, as well as by the fragility of labor rights protections. The international trade in care workers, in this context, is part of the phenomenon of the feminization of migration, reflecting structural inequalities between countries and the persistent logic of domination that permeates the world of work², particularly in the areas of domestic care and caregiving activities, in which many immigrant women are employed²².

Another key factor in the intensification of immigrant women’s vulnerability relates to the lack of proper documentation regarding their immigration status. This irregularity is identified as one of the main causes of exploitation in the workplace or exclusion from the formal labor market. The lack of documents not only limits access to public policies and essential services provided by the state but also deepens the constant fear of legal penalties, which pushes them into labor relationships marked by informality, instability, and abuse². Thus, the combination of gender and migration markers, intersecting with class and/or race-ethnicity, exacerbates this scenario, since, faced with the urgency of ensuring their own survival and, often, of supporting their families, these women end up submitting to precarious working conditions. This context of overload, insecurity, and lack of institutional protection contributes to illness, both physical and mental, highlighting the link between precarious working conditions and health-related suffering.

Among Bolivians residing in São Paulo and Buenos Aires, there is a predominance of women, mostly employed in the textile sector, working in sewing and garment workshops. Often, these workers live in their own workplaces, generally located in outlying neighborhoods, characterized by precarious and unsanitary conditions. This workforce is subjected to exhausting work routines, informal employment relationships, and, in certain cases, situations analogous to slavery. When a language barrier is compounded by discrimination, the situation is exacerbated. In this context, the workshops function as strategies employed by local business owners to reduce labor costs, lower production expenses, and increase their profits²¹.

Regarding Venezuelan women in Roraima, although no official data has been released by the Boa Vista municipal government or the state government, it is evident at the local level that a large proportion of these immigrants face extremely vulnerable living conditions. Many receive wages lower than those offered to Brazilian women in equivalent positions, revealing exploitative practices that take advantage of these women’s social vulnerability. In some cases, the lack of proper documentation and ignorance of labor rights push them into undervalued, poorly paid jobs performed under unfavorable conditions or into prostitution. Added to this is the scene of visible begging on the city’s streets and intersections, where many Venezuelan women, many of them with small children, ask for help to survive. This scene is a clear reflection of the social exclusion and vulnerability that leads them to accept extreme forms of precarious work⁶.

It is necessary, however, to make a crucial distinction. The situation of begging that characterizes the extreme vulnerability of non-indigenous Venezuelan women in Boa Vista differs from the practice observed among the indigenous Venezuelans of the Warao ethnic group. For them, soliciting donations on the streets, carried out mainly by women with children and wearing traditional clothing, constitutes the so-called “begging sector.” As explained in the literature, for indigenous people this practice is understood as a form of work and, often, as the only possible activity in an urban context, thus representing an activity with specific cultural contours. Thus, the precariousness described in the previous paragraph refers specifically to non-indigenous immigrant women, for whom begging is not a cultural practice, but rather the most acute expression of social exclusion and the failure of mechanisms for integration into the formal and informal labor markets²³.

A study of Venezuelan immigrant women working as sex workers in Roraima also demonstrated the intensification of gender-based violence in these contexts. This type of work, already marked by strong stigmatization and risks, becomes even more vulnerable when intersected by race-ethnicity, class, and nationality²⁴. The precarious nature of immigrant women’s work is thus intersected by multiple layers of inequality, reflecting a reality in which gender and these intersectionalities shape complex forms of exploitation.

Between invisibility and illness: impacts of precarious work on the health of immigrants

It is known that the international migration of more vulnerable populations exposes them to greater risks of illness, with a higher prevalence of chronic diseases (such as diabetes), infectious diseases (tuberculosis, HIV/AIDS, and sexually transmitted infections — STIs), among others. These conditions are exacerbated by social determinants of health, such as precarious living conditions, language barriers, and limited access to health services and adequate nutrition. The migration process itself can be marked by violence, instability, and uprooting, which act as chronic stressors, increasing vulnerability to physical and psychological illnesses, thereby hindering integration into host societies²⁵-²⁷.

Regarding mental health, the literature has indicated for several decades that the migration experience can constitute a significant risk factor for psychological distress. In this context, it is essential to consider the specific characteristics of each situation, including the country of origin and destination, cultural aspects, social and family context, and available support networks. Thus, immigrants present potential risk factors for developing mental disorders such as depression, post-traumatic stress, and pathological anxiety, among others²¹,²⁵,²⁸. Additionally, immigrant women face greater difficulties in accessing mental health care. This is due to a combination of unstable immigration status, financial dependence, and structural barriers. Cultural, social, and economic factors also influence this search for help²⁸.

Thus, for many immigrants, especially women, the burden of multiple roles, informality, and discrimination in the workplace compound the difficulties already faced during the migration process, creating a cycle of exhaustion that hinders access to basic care. Job instability not only limits their material conditions but also deepens isolation and insecurity, reinforcing their vulnerability. Thus, precarious employment is not merely an economic obstacle but a factor that directly undermines the well-being of these populations.

In Brazil, the first seroepidemiological study conducted with immigrants in 2024 revealed that these individuals, especially men, have higher STI rates than the general population. The migratory context, marked by solitary displacement, multiple sexual partners, and social vulnerability, fosters risky behaviors. This trend intensifies with the length of stay in the country, indicating gaps in preventive healthcare. The absence of specific policies for this population exacerbates the situation, requiring actions that take their particularities into account²⁶.

Compared to native-born women, immigrant women tend to have poorer health indicators, especially in the area of sexual and reproductive health. A higher incidence of maternal, perinatal, and infant morbidity is observed among them, along with more frequent complications during pregnancy and the postpartum period. They are also more prone to risky behaviors and have less access to preventive health practices²⁹.

From this perspective, the type of employment in which immigrants are engaged, often concentrated in informal sectors with high turnover, can create conditions that increase exposure to situations of health vulnerability. The geographic mobility required by certain jobs, combined with the absence of stable ties, makes it difficult to establish routines for preventive care and regular health monitoring. In the specific case of sexual health, the combination of social isolation, inadequate housing conditions, and exhausting work schedules can contribute to the formation of more vulnerable social networks. This situation reveals how the organization of immigrant labor, marked by precariousness, intertwines with other dimensions of life that can directly impact the epidemiological profile of this population.

For immigrant women, precarious working conditions exacerbate their vulnerabilities and directly impact their quality of life and health. The frequent double shift, marked by informal, often unhealthy jobs, and by unpaid domestic and family care work, can have even greater impacts on the neglect of their own health care. The social invisibility of these workers in the care and service sector deepens their illness, perpetuating a cycle of exclusion that demands urgent intersectoral interventions.

It is therefore observed that immigrants face intrinsic vulnerabilities that can lead to inequalities in access to health services. Some of the main barriers faced include cultural differences, unfavorable socioeconomic status, language difficulties, lack of documentation, absence of medical history, social isolation, lack of awareness regarding available health services, limited access to public health care, as well as experiences of racism and xenophobia. Furthermore, it is common for them to encounter limitations related to the care of foreigners within the public health systems of host countries²⁵,²⁶,³⁰,³¹.

The appalling working conditions faced by Bolivians, who are known to be, for the most part, women working in the sewing sector of the Buenos Aires textile industry, have already been documented in the literature. The following description of working conditions, taken from a previous study, is presented below:

[...] ranging from the distress caused by violence and mistreatment, to poor air circulation, isolation, and lack of sunlight, as well as the accumulation of dust and moisture on the walls, floor, and ceiling; to the fact that work is carried out in crowded conditions, in unventilated dwellings infested with fabric scraps, threads, dust, and lint produced by the machines [...]; in addition to the fact that the number of daily working hours ranges from 14 to 18, at intense and uninterrupted paces; as well as the fact that food is scarce and deficient, etc. Taken together, all these factors can weaken these individuals’ immune systems, making them more vulnerable to infection, transmission, and the development of tuberculosis²¹ (p. 305).

Other studies have also shown high prevalences of tuberculosis among Bolivian immigrants living in Argentina, also related to unhealthy working conditions²¹. In Brazil, the study by Silva et al.²⁵, based on reports from the Notifiable Diseases Information System (SINAN) covering the period from 2018 to 2022, demonstrated that immigrants accounted for 0.6% of all reported tuberculosis cases in the country. The proportion of cases among migrants was higher in some states, such as Roraima (19.83%), Distrito Federal (3.87%), Santa Catarina (1.30%), and São Paulo (1.12%).

Finally, it should be noted that immigrant women face a higher risk of sexual violence and human trafficking, being the primary victims of this commercial exploitation by the perpetrators of such violence. This situation causes serious harm to physical and mental health, with lasting impacts including on their sexual and reproductive autonomy and their social integration. Furthermore, many are subjected to labor conditions analogous to slavery in other countries, exacerbating their vulnerability²⁹,³²-³⁴.

These unsanitary and degrading conditions profoundly impact the health of immigrants, exposing them to extreme physical and emotional risks. Poor ventilation, work overload, and inadequate nutrition contribute to a weakened immune system, increasing vulnerability to diseases such as tuberculosis and leprosy. Furthermore, confinement in cramped spaces and the lack of basic hygiene conditions facilitate the spread of respiratory and skin infections, in addition to potentially undermining mental health. This scenario highlights how precarious working and living conditions directly compromise the physical and mental well-being of these immigrant workers²¹,²⁴,²⁵,²⁸,²⁹.

Final considerations

This essay sought to demonstrate how gender inequalities, intertwined with markers of race, ethnicity, and class, shape the career trajectories and health-illness processes of immigrant women. The entry of a large number of these women into the labor market is marked by profound inequality, characterized by precariousness, informality, and social vulnerability. Especially when coming from countries in the Global South, these women face not only the barriers imposed by their migrant status but also the intersectionality of oppressions that relegate them to undervalued occupations, exhausting work schedules, and unhealthy conditions that directly impact their physical and mental health.

The precariousness of work in the context of migration reveals itself as a multidimensional phenomenon. It is not merely a matter of the absence of labor rights, but of a system that normalizes the exploitation of racialized and feminized bodies from the underprivileged classes. Xenophobia, racism, and the gendered division of labor converge to perpetuate cycles of marginalization, in which immigrant women are viewed as a disposable labor force and potentially easier to exploit. The data and descriptions presented throughout this study show how this reality translates into health problems: from occupational and infectious diseases to mental disorders associated with chronic stress and documentary, labor, and socioeconomic insecurity. The lack of access to adequate health services, coupled with the burden of unpaid work (such as domestic care), further deepens these inequities.

Intersectionality, here, is not merely an analytical framework, but a theoretical-practical call to recognize that the multiple oppressions structuring the lives of immigrant women constitute the first step toward building responses that not only mitigate harm but promote social justice. Their right to health, understood in its full scope, will only be fully realized when their lives cease to be treated as cheap commodities in global capitalism.

It is essential to recognize, however, that Brazil, with its recent Migration Law³⁵ and the guarantee of universal access to the Unified Health System (SUS), offers a protective legal framework that ensures, including for international migrants, the full right to health, from prevention to rehabilitation. Although intersectional vulnerabilities persist in practice, such policies represent a crucial foundation for addressing exploitation and developing responses that go beyond harm reduction, toward the effective guarantee of rights.

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• Data availability:
  The entire dataset supporting the results of this study was published in the article itself.
• Statement on the use of Artificial Intelligence:
  The author declares that having used ChatGPT (OpenAI), version GPT-5.3, for language review and reference adjustment.
• Presentation at a scientific event:
  The author states that the study was not presented at a scientific event.
• Funding:
  The author declares that the study was not subsidized.

Edited by

• Responsible editors:
  Carlos Eduardo Gomes Siqueira https://orcid.org/0000-0001-8993-3031 University of Massachusetts Boston (UMass Boston)
  Leila Posenato Garcia https://orcid.org/0000-0003-1146-2641 Fundação Jorge Duprat Figueiredo de Segurança e Medicina do Trabalho - FUNDACENTRO
  Lúcia Rotenberg https://orcid.org/0000-0002-4132-2167 Fundação Oswaldo Cruz - FIOCRUZ
  Tânia Maria de Araújo https://orcid.org/0000-0003-2766-7799 Universidade Estadual de Feira de Santana - UEFS

Data availability

The entire dataset supporting the results of this study was published in the article itself.

Publication Dates

• Publication in this collection
  03 July 2026
• Date of issue
  2026

History

• Received
  27 July 2025
• Reviewed
  24 Feb 2026
• Accepted
  06 Mar 2026