The uses of PISA in educational planning in Latin America and the CaribbeanABSTRACT
This article investigates how the Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA) is used in the national educational planning documents of Latin American and Caribbean countries. This research is documentary, descriptive and comparative. We selected 11 countries that are part of the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) Regional Programme. We chose the documents available on the Latin American Educational Trends Information System (SITEAL) and the Portal of Education Plans and Policies (PLANIPOLIS). We analyzed 16 national education plans using the descriptors: PISA, OECD, large-scale international assessment and international assessments. The research findings point to the influence of PISA in the region, with eight of the 11 countries incorporating this assessment as a target for their education systems. However, Peru, Chile and Argentina do not follow this practice, and Peru is the only one to criticize this assessment.
Keywords:
Educational Planning; Large-Scale Assessment; Pisa; Latin America and the Caribbean
RESUMO
Este artigo investiga como o Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA) é utilizado nos documentos nacionais de planejamento educacional dos países da América Latina e Caribe. Esta pesquisa tem natureza documental, descritiva e comparada. Selecionamos 11 países que fazem parte do Programa Regional da Organização para a Cooperação e Desenvolvimento Econômico (OCDE). Optamos pelos documentos disponíveis no Sistema de Información de Tendencias Educativas en America Latina (SITEAL) e no Portal of Education Plans and Policies (Planipolis). Foram analisados 16 planos nacionais de educação utilizando os descritores: PISA, OCDE, avaliações internacionais de larga escala e avaliações internacionais. Os achados de pesquisa apontam para a influência do PISA na região, oito dos 11 países incorporam essa avaliação como metas a serem alcançadas pelos sistemas educacionais. Contudo, Peru, Chile e Argentina não seguem essa prática, e o Peru é o único que faz crítica a essa avaliação.
Palavras-chave:
Planejamento Educacional; Avaliação de Larga Escala; Pisa; América Latina e Caribe
RESUMEN
Este artículo investiga cómo se utiliza el Programa para la Evaluación Internacional de Alumnos-PISA en los documentos nacionales de planificación educativa de los países de América Latina y el Caribe. Se trata de una investigación documental, descriptiva y comparativa. Seleccionamos once países que forman parte del Programa Regional de la Organización para la Cooperación y el Desarrollo Económico (OCDE). Elegimos los documentos disponibles en el Sistema de Información de Tendencias Educativas en América Latina (SITEAL) y en el Portal de Planes y Políticas Educativas (PLANIPOLIS). Analizamos dieciséis planes nacionales de educación utilizando los descriptores: PISA, OCDE, evaluación internacional a gran escala y evaluaciones internacionales. Los resultados de la investigación señalan la influencia de PISA en la región, ya que ocho de los once países incorporan esta evaluación como objetivo de sus sistemas educativos. Sin embargo, Perú, Chile y Argentina no siguen esta práctica, y Perú es el único que critica esta evaluación.
Palabras-clave:
Planificación Educativa; Evaluación a Gran Escala; Pisa; América Latina y el Caribe
INTRODUCTION
This article aimed to investigate the uses of the Program for International Student Assessment (PISA) in educational planning in Latin America and the Caribbean, based on descriptive, documentary, and comparative research.
We situate this reflection in times of new education regulation that disseminates a global educational discourse, which proposes to solve educational problems based on a certain idea of what good education is, regardless of local contexts.
It is in the process of receiving, circulating, and translating this discourse in local contexts that resistance, reinterpretations, and a series of unexpected practical problems emerge (Beech, 2012; Lessard and Carpentier, 2016).
Among the international agencies that produce and disseminate this hegemonic global educational discourse, we highlight the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD), an intergovernmental organization created in 1961 that currently encompasses 37 member countries from the Americas to Asia-Pacific and promotes PISA as an instrument to exert influence in the field of education.
The OECD has a significant presence in Latin America and the Caribbean, with Mexico, Chile, Colombia, and Costa Rica as member countries and Brazil being considered a key partner (OECD, 2021). In addition to these countries, the OECD maintains a Regional Cooperation Program with Argentina, Uruguay, Peru, Paraguay, Panama, and the Dominican Republic.
PISA is an international student assessment conducted by the OECD every three years, through which global educational discourse is disseminated. While the Organization covers 37 member countries, this international assessment reached 79 countries in the 2018 edition.
We understand PISA as a knowledge-based regulatory instrument, that is, "a highly sophisticated technical device based on a particular type of knowledge with a view to guiding, coordinating, and controlling social action in the education sector" (Carvalho, 2017, p. 7).
This means that PISA is invoked by different actors in public debate and in the political decision-making process in education to legitimize certain agendas, framing and reducing the diverse educational realities to the standards and issues established by the assessment itself, as a reflection of the organization that produces it (Costa and Afonso, 2009).
Based on Trigueiro Mendes (2000), we understand that educational planning is a technical and political process, which is part of the public policy cycle and results in the production of plans that guide educational policy at specific times and in specific places.
Guaranteeing the right to education involves developing educational planning and implementing it through public education policies. Therefore, these plans are important documents for understanding and identifying each country's priorities for the sector.
The plans are educational policy texts and are one of the possible documents for analysis in terms of the context of text production, as defined in Stephen Ball's policy cycle (Bowe, Ball and Gold, 1992).
Thus, this article investigated how PISA is used in educational planning documents in Latin America and the Caribbean and is organized into four parts: theoretical foundation, methodology, analysis and discussion of results, and final considerations.
THEORETICAL FOUNDATION
Comparative education is configured and reconfigured as a field of research, advancing from the literature of 19th-century travelers to the emerging interest resulting from globalization and the knowledge economy. Aguilar (2013), based on dialogue with Pedro Goergen, F. J. Ferrer, and Antonio Nóvoa, situates it among the contemporary meanings of researching comparative education, learning about other educational systems, optimizing the power of self-knowledge, and providing subsidies for educational policies.
It is the quest to understand others in relation to ourselves that underpins comparative education, in order to "learn about our own educational system and those of others" (Marshall, 2019, p. 17).
Marshall (2019) points out that one of the main ways of making comparisons is to use international student assessments and the databases derived from them, provided that we are aware of their limitations in capturing the human and cultural dimensions of national education systems.
In view of this, comparative education pays attention to contextual characteristics and specificities, systematically observing, examining temporally and spatially similarities and differences, their causes and possible regularities and generalizations (Aguilar, 2013).
Incorporating the contribution of comparative education, we believe it is pertinent to compare the educational planning of the 11 countries of Latin America and the Caribbean, whose common ties include Iberian colonization (Spain and Portugal), shared languages (Portuguese and Spanish), and regional organizations (Community of Latin American and Caribbean States).
Observing the reference framework for comparative education analysis created by Bray and Thomas (1995), known as the Bray and Thomas cube, our study deals with a comparison at the regional level (Latin America) and, in terms of education and society, we address national education plans.
It is necessary to bring in contributions from the literature review on the uses of large-scale assessments and PISA specifically, so that we can construct a theoretical framework for this topic and provide a basis for analyzing the plans, which we do in the following two sections.
THE USES OF LARGE-SCALE ASSESSMENT RESULTS
There is growing interest in the uses of large-scale assessment results (Tobin et al., 2015; Fischman et al., 2019; UNESCO, 2019; Brink, 2020; Robertson, 2020; Taboada, Cortés and Vélez, 2020; Pinkasz, 2021), whether national or international, in individual studies and research or by international organizations.
Tobin et al. (2015), in a study on the uses of student learning assessments in the Asia-Pacific region, point out that these assessments have had little impact on educational policy, because although many countries participate in or conduct large-scale assessments, their results are not used by policymakers to make decisions about education. Furthermore, it is noted that it is "relatively uncommon for education systems to refer to assessments when formulating policies or deciding between different policy options and strategies" (Tobin et al., 2015, p. 7, our translation).
Fischman et al. (2019), in a survey on the influence of large-scale international assessments on national education policies, identified instrumental uses, such as setting goals and objectives, seeking references for educational reforms, and monitoring these reforms.
The United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) has produced extensive research on learning assessments in order to examine the evidence of their benefits, as well as to point out their limitations and possible side effects. The publication warns against the use of assessment data and identifies three limitations in this regard: the underuse of assessment data, the overuse or exaggerated centrality of these results, and the combination of these assessments with accountability policies (UNESCO, 2019).
UNESCO (2019) highlights the role of the International Institute for Educational Planning in promoting the use of large-scale assessments in the planning and management of educational policies in the region through forums with educational authorities from each country, training and capacity-building programs, and the production of knowledge geared toward this objective.
Brink (2020) and Robertson (2020), when analyzing the effective use of large-scale learning assessments in Sub-Saharan Africa, identified uses similar to those pointed out by Fischman et al. (2019). The countries analyzed use them to compare their performance with other countries and to assess the impact of factors such as socioeconomic and budgetary conditions on systems, schools, and students.
Robertson (2020) makes recommendations to countries of that region, suggesting that "national plans for education should establish clear objectives and targets for the next 3 to 5 years (or more), developed by the Ministry in consultation with stakeholders" (Robertson, 2020, p. 12, our translation).
Taboada, Cortés and Vélez (2020) analyze the use of learning assessment results in the design of educational policies in Latin America based on an extensive literature review, finding uses in agenda setting, strategic planning, program and intervention targeting, curriculum guidance and material production, teacher incentive definition, and school ranking production. The authors emphasize that "there is less information about the precise interpretations and uses that different actors make of the results beyond diagnostic or monitoring exercises" (Taboada, Cortés and Vélez, 2020, p. 53, our translation).
Also focusing on Latin America, Pinkasz (2021) presents a study on the uses of learning assessment results in educational policy planning, which partly coincides with the findings of Taboada, Cortés and Vélez (2020).
According to Pinkasz (2021), the effective uses of large-scale assessments include strategy planning, knowledge production, developing general and targeted policies and support programs to improve results, providing guidance in defining the curriculum and developing teaching materials, training and strengthening the professionalization of teachers, certifying studies and conducting tests for admission to higher education, evaluating or incentivizing teachers, as well as creating hierarchies based on performance levels.
The use of this tool for educational planning is characteristic of Latin America. Pinkasz (2021, p. 64, our translation) explains that "this type of use includes those intended for the design of multi-year plans when establishing priorities, goals, or providing diagnoses." This is the case in Argentina, Brazil, Mexico, Ecuador, Chile, and Uruguay, the six countries analyzed in the aforementioned study.
In summary, while assessments are expected to be used in educational planning and this is reported as a practice in different educational systems, such use is not a common or widespread practice in all regions (Tobin et al., 2015; Brink, 2020; Robertson, 2020). However, it is a common practice that has been incorporated into educational planning in Latin America.
USES OF THE PROGRAMME FOR INTERNATIONAL STUDENT ASSESSMENT (PISA) RESULTS
There is a significant body of studies and research on PISA that points to interest in this large-scale international assessment and the desire to reflect on its influence on national education policies (Hopfenbeck et al., 2018; Oliveira, 2020; Carvalho, 2022; Sjøberg and Jenkins, 2022; Zheng, Cheung and Sit, 2022; Jerrim, 2023).
Hopfenbeck et al. (2018), in a systematic review of PISA, point out that scientific articles addressing the impact of this assessment or its policy implications are the most prevalent, particularly in terms of analyzing potential factors, mechanisms, networks, and dynamics that this assessment promotes to influence education policy and governance. The authors highlight that the implications of PISA in police lending, changes in accountability structures, and growth in demand for standardization policies often emerge.
Oliveira (2020), in a consistent historical and theoretical review of human capital theory, establishes the links between PISA and this theoretical perspective, characterizing it as a technology of power that gives the OECD a central role in defining the global educational agenda. The author highlights that PISA induces an educational assessment model to measure the efficiency of educational systems, promising to deliver human capital prepared for the challenges of the knowledge economy, and despite this promise being fallacious, "its poorly substantiated analyses are welcomed by technical-state bureaucracy and governments" (Oliveira, 2020, p. 112).
Carvalho (2022) presents his reflections on PISA based on his research agenda over the last eight years, in which he investigates this assessment as an instrument of knowledge-based regulation, as highlighted in the Introduction. The author identified the uses of PISA in national and supranational contexts, as well as its intensification and sophistication in policy-making, moving on to analyze what he calls the fabrication of a true ecology.
There is no doubt that PISA as knowledge circulates across different national contexts and influences educational reforms in various ways, leaving open for future research "the role of actors who, on a national scale, operate between PISA objects and political actors" and the "appropriation of objects labeled as PISA in various educational contexts — politics, state bureaucracy, schools" (Carvalho, 2022, p. 269, our translation).
Sjøberg and Jenkins (2022) argue that PISA is a political project and research agenda that aims to supplant education as a matter of domestic policy, that is, to ignore the social, political, and economic diversity of national contexts, which converge to highlight the transnational governance dimension of education in this project, as pointed out by Oliveira (2020) and Carvalho (2022).
Zheng, Cheung and Sit (2022), in a systematic review of PISA in the first two decades of the 21st century, confirm that there is consistent literature confirming its role in educational policy. These authors highlight the growth in the number of countries or economies participating in PISA and the resulting effects on educational policy, such as improving debate and policy reform. They understand that PISA functions as a mirror of comparative education that "not only highlights the shortcomings of the educational system under study, but also contributes to correcting these weaknesses" (Zheng, Cheung and Sit, 2022, p. 1, our translation).
Finally, Jerrim (2023), in a quantitative analysis of interest in PISA in different countries, confirms that this large-scale international assessment receives more attention than other similar assessments, exerting a disproportionate influence. This is due to the OECD's active promotion of PISA, maximizing its attention in the media, the public, and politics.
In summary, PISA influences the national education policies of participating countries, and this is due to the strong role played by the OECD in promoting a global education agenda that reduces the importance of national contexts in order to elevate education as an object of international interest to be parameterized in the interest of a particular conception of economics and politics.
Based on this overview of the use of PISA in educational planning, as well as the influence that this large-scale international assessment has on the definition of national education policies, let us deal with the methodology.
METHODOLOGY
The national educational planning documents analyzed were those available on the digital platforms Information System on Educational Trends in Latin America (SITEAL) and Portal of Education Plans and Policies (Planipolis), both maintained by the International Institute for Educational Planning, linked to the UNESCO.
We opted for national education plans that were in force in the eleven Latin America Caribbean countries included in the study. A total of 16 national education plans were identified, which are presented in the Chart 1:
As can be seen in the Chart 1, the documents identified vary in terms of time frame, that is, they may be long-term or medium-term national education plans. The plans of Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Paraguay, Peru, and the Dominican Republic fall into the first category. The plans of Argentina, Mexico, Costa Rica, Panama, and Uruguay fall into the second category.
The aforementioned documents were analyzed using the following descriptors: PISA, OECD, large-scale international assessments, and international evaluations, the results of which are summarized in the next section.
DATA ANALYSIS AND DISCUSSION
The Chart 2 summarizes the results of applying the descriptors to identify how PISA is used in educational planning documents:
Educational planning documents by country and use of the Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA).
It is clear that PISA is present in the vast majority of educational planning documents in a fundamental strategic position, as education plans establish it as a goal to be achieved by educational policy.
Only three countries do not use PISA as an indicator of performance in their long-term educational goals: Argentina, Chile, and Peru. Of these three, only Peru criticizes the prevalence of PISA as the main indicator of quality in education.
We will focus on the differences in comparative education perspectives, as we consider them to be the main findings of the research, deserving a more detailed approach for each of these three countries.
ARGENTINA
The political context in Argentina is represented by the election of a left-leaning government (Alberto Fernández), succeeding the previous government that was more right-wing (Mauricio Macri), marked by an acute economic crisis with increased poverty, unemployment, and hunger (Santos, 2018).
It is important to mention that Argentina is a federal country with its own peculiarities. There is a need to establish agreements between the federal government and provincial governments, which leads to an asymmetric coordination of educational policy, thereby hindering the formulation of a national educational plan (Pinkasz, 2021).
Argentina, under the government of Alberto Fernández (2019–2024) of the Judicialist Party, published a comprehensive strategic planning document entitled "Strategic Educational Guidelines for the Argentine Republic 2022–2027 — for fair, democratic, and quality education."
The document was approved by Federal Education Council Resolution No. 423/22, and is organized into two main parts. The first focuses on the guiding principles and objectives of the policy. The second presents the diagnosis, strategies, and goals.
PISA is not mentioned in any of the 42 pages of the document; the only international assessment mentioned is ERCE, which stands for Regional Comparative and Explanatory Study, conducted by the Latin American Laboratory for Assessment of the Quality of Education (LLECE) of the Regional Office for Education in Latin America and the Caribbean (OREALC/UNESCO). ERCE assesses elementary school students in reading, writing, mathematics, and science.
ERCE is mentioned in the diagnosis of the educational situation in the aforementioned document to reinforce the idea that "early access to the education system has a positive impact on school trajectories and learning outcomes" (Argentina, 2022, p. 17).
Argentina's large-scale assessments are outlined in the document "Plan nacional de Evaluación Educativa 2023–2024" (National Educational Assessment Plan 2023–2024), approved by Federal Education Council Resolution No. 396/2021. The document lists Argentina's participation in the 2022 digital PISA pilot test, which is the 2022 edition of PISA, the results of which were released in December 2023.
Acosta (2019) shows that Argentina's interest in PISA has changed according to the political orientation of successive governments, shifting from the center-left's lack of enthusiasm to the center-right's commitment to alignment, interested in the country being accepted as a member of the OECD. Thus, as the author analyzes, political and economic factors weigh more heavily than pedagogical factors. This may help us understand why PISA is not mentioned in the national education plan produced during a center-left government.
CHILE
Similar to Argentina, Chile's political context is represented by the election of a left-wing government (Boric) succeeding a right-wing one (Piñera). Santos (2018) points out that although Chile has experienced this democratic alternation of governments, nothing has yet shaken the order left behind by the Pinochet dictatorship, which is characterized by neoliberal fundamentalism and, in the case of education, by the prevalence of private provision and voucher policies.
Chile, under the administration of Gabriel Boric (2022–2026) of the Social Convergence Party, published the document "First National Strategy for Public Education 2020–2028," approved by Supreme Decree No. 87/2020. The document is organized into six main parts: a new public education system, background to the strategy, working methodology for developing the strategy, strategic objectives, financing, and monitoring and evaluation.
Although there is no mention of PISA in the document or the setting of targets linked to this assessment, there are generic references to international assessments and specific references to the OECD.
With regard to international assessments, the document states that effective pedagogical management is that which improves students' expected learning levels in accordance with the national curriculum and "consequently the results of both national and international standardized assessments" (Chile, 2020, p. 76, our translation).
With regard to the reference to the OECD, it is stated that the current Chilean Public Education Law was drafted in response to that organization's educational policy reports (Chile, 2020, p. 14). The problem tree of the strategy diagnosis took into account data from that organization (Chile, 2020, p. 47), and the OECD concept is cited, according to which better quality and accessible education depends on "coherent and evolving learning strategies" (Chile, 2020, p. 75, our translation).
Danoso-Díaz (2023) reflects that Chile's results in PISA have shown that the current private model of public education provision needs to be reviewed, as there is stagnation in the performance of the education system, which highlights that there is a crisis in the management model and market instruments.
Chile, like Argentina, has a specific document for assessments, called the "Plan de Evaluaciones Nacionales e Internacionales para el período 2021–2026" (Plan for National and International Assessments for the period 2021–2026), approved by Decree No. 48/2021. It confirms the country's participation in the triennial edition of PISA, as well as in other international assessments.
Although Chile has not set performance targets linked to PISA, it bases part of its educational planning on the knowledge produced by the OECD and incorporates that organization's conceptual references regarding the quality of education and the use of large-scale assessments to achieve that quality. This confirms the idea of the country's political and educational alignment with the OECD, as analyzed by Acosta (2019).
PERU
The two educational planning documents for Peru were drafted in a period of governmental instability, which has marked the country over the last five years, especially in the interval between the government of Pedro Pablo Kuczynski (2016–2018), of the Peruanos por el Kambio party, and the government of Pedro Castillo (2021–2022), of the Peru Libre party. Santos (2018, p. 461) states that "the drama of contemporary Peruvian politics is that the restoration of peace and stability is associated with a combination of state repression and neoliberal fundamentalism."
It should be remembered that there was a real "PISA shock" (Jerrim, 2023) in Peruvian educational policy, promoted by Jaime Saavedra, who was Peru's Minister of Education from 2013 to 2016. Improving the country's PISA results was made a top priority, mobilizing a broad educational reform (Saavedra and Gutierrez, 2020), which confirms the use of the results in two ways: scandalization and projection. The first implies highlighting the weaknesses of the educational system itself in a comparison. The second sense implies legitimizing or delegitimizing educational policies and agendas, regardless of what actually exists in the comparison (Steiner-Khamsi and Waldow, 2018).
It is in this environment that the first document, the "National Education Project for 2036 (PEN 2036): the challenge of full citizenship," was drafted by the National Education Council and approved by Supreme Decree No. 009/2020. The document is organized into six main parts: starting points, how we imagine education in Peru in 2036, strategic guidelines, major drivers of change, monitoring of Peruvian education and PEN 2036, and the role of the National Education Council.
PISA is mentioned twice, in the section on starting points and in the section on strategic guidelines, while the OECD is mentioned in the section entitled "How we imagine education in Peru in 2036," and also in the section on strategic guidelines.
The first mention uses a PISA survey to highlight the segregation of students with disabilities in schools and the effort required to reduce it by providing access to "educational services of higher socioeconomic status" (Peru, 2020, p. 53, our translation).
The second mention of PISA criticizes the use of the results of this assessment to make reductionist and erroneous judgments about Peru's education system. According to the document, PISA does not allow us to conclude that Peruvian education is the worst in the world, as it "neither measures education as a whole nor evaluates students from around the world" (Peru, 2020, p. 139, our translation).
In pointing out the limitations of this assessment, the document concludes that favoring a specific indicator for decision-making in educational policy has adverse effects, including "distorting the meaning of educational action (such as narrowing the curriculum, training for tests, etc.) and may eventually cause the indicator itself to fail to measure what it is supposed to measure" (Peru, 2020, p. 140, our translation).
The criticism may also represent a reaction to the previous period of PISA-centered educational reform, signaling an alternative perspective on educational policy and the use of large-scale assessments.
With regard to the OECD, references are made to the Oslo Manual (2005) in order to adopt the concept of innovation presented therein, and to Peru's Digital Government Review (2019) to reiterate the recommendations made therein.
The second document analyzed is the "Multi-Year Strategic Plan for the Education Sector 2016–2024" (PESEM), approved by Ministerial Resolution No. 122/2021 and part of the Peruvian planning system. The document is organized into five parts: summary of prospective analysis, scenario of commitment: the education we want, vision, sectoral strategic objectives, and strategic roadmap.
PISA does not appear as a benchmark indicator in PESEM 2016–2024. This plan opted for indicators such as the percentage of students with satisfactory levels of reading comprehension and mathematics to measure the achievement of the strategic objective of increasing equity in the quality of learning and the talent of children and adolescents.
Unlike Chile, which does not mention PISA but incorporates the OECD's guidelines and concepts, Peru criticizes the use of PISA as a single indicator and highlights the reductionist risk to public education when this occurs. Ultimately, Peru replaced this indicator in its strategic planning, adopting its own indicators.
FINAL CONSIDERATIONS
We analyzed the uses of PISA in educational planning in 11 countries in Latin America and the Caribbean from the perspective of comparative education, seeking to identify similarities and differences, with an emphasis on the latter.
Based on consultations with SITEAL and Planipólis, international repositories of educational policy and planning documents, we identified 16 documents currently in force in these countries, which constitute medium- and long-term national plans for the education sector.
These documents were analyzed using PISA, OECD, large-scale international assessments, and international evaluations descriptors in order to categorize the aforementioned reception. The influence of PISA in Latin America and the Caribbean is undeniable. Eight of the 11 countries analyzed used this international OECD assessment in their educational planning, setting performance targets for the education system based on the results obtained in this assessment, confirming the literature that points to this possibility of use and the existence of this practice in the region.
On the other hand, resistance to this influence is emerging, implicitly, as in the case of Argentina, which does not endorse PISA in its educational planning, and explicitly, as in the case of Peru, with express criticism of PISA and its reductionist use in evaluating the educational system, which is complex and not limited to the aspects evaluated.
Although Chile does not mention PISA and does not adopt it as a performance target in its educational planning, it incorporates the OECD's concepts and guidelines into the formulation of its educational policy, which implies endorsing this international assessment and its results.
Unlike Brazil, where educational planning is approved as law by the National Congress, Argentina, Chile, and Peru have their national education plans set by the National Education Council (Argentina and Peru), by government decree (Chile), or by ministerial resolution (Peru). We understand that this makes them more susceptible to changes in government and the vicissitudes of party politics with each election.
It is possible to develop new research agendas regarding the uses of PISA, for example, considering in the analysis, in addition to education plans, national education legislation, assessment policies, educational programs, and media coverage, broadening the scope and enabling a more complete view of the influence of this political project in Latin America and the Caribbean.
Data availability statement:
The research data is available in the body of the article.
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