Cross-Cutting Nature of Public Policies for Women: Perceptions of Women in the Executive, Legislative and Judiciary BranchesAbstract
Despite advances in gender equality, studies that explore the perceptions of women in leadership positions in Brazilian politics regarding the possibility of mainstreaming in the creation of public policies aimed at women remainrare. This study sought to analyze the perceptions of women in leadership positions in the Brazilian Executive, Legislative, and Judiciary branches regarding the possibility of mainstreaming in the development and implementation of public policies aimed at women. To this end, 18 women from the Brazilian Executive, Legislative, and Judiciary branches were interviewed in a qualitative study. The data reveal that all interviewees had difficulty understanding the term “transversality.” The findings show that women in the Executive and Legislative branches consider transversal public policies to be those that cut across the three levels of government: federal, state, and municipal. Therefore, they believe that some transversal policies already exist, although they emphasize that they need significant improvements. Those who work in the Judiciary branch consider that there are no transversal policie because the sphere of power to which they belong is not considered in the planning of actions. This study highlighted weaknesses that seem to be crucial, such as the various understandings of the term and transversality as a more theoretical than practical element. It was also found that it can be challenging to create transversal policies considering the three branches of government. In this sense, the struggle for power becomes a hindrance. What proved effective in this struggle were the acts of resistance of women who reached leadership positions.
Keywords
women in politics; gender and the three powers; transversal public policies
Resumo
Apesar dos avanços em matéria de igualdade de gênero, ainda são raros os estudos que exploram a percepção de mulheres em posições de comando na política brasileira sobre a possibilidade de transversalidade na criação de políticas públicas voltadas para mulheres. Este estudo buscou analisar a percepção de mulheres em posições de comando no Executivo, Legislativo e Judiciário Brasileiros sobre a possibilidade de transversalidade na construção e implementação de políticas públicas voltadas para mulheres. Para tanto, 18 mulheres do Executivo, Legislativo e Judiciário Brasileiros foram entrevistadas em um estudo de natureza qualitativa. Os dados revelam uma dificuldade de entendimento do termo “transversalidade” por todas as entrevistadas. Os achados evidenciam que as mulheres do Executivo e Legislativo consideram políticas públicas transversais aquelas que perpassam as três instâncias governamentais: federal, estadual e municipal. Por isso, acreditam que já existem algumas políticas transversais, embora ressaltem que precisam de significativas melhorias. Já as que atuam no Judiciário consideram que não existem políticas transversais, porque a esfera de poder à qual pertencem não é contemplada no planejamento das ações. Este trabalho evidenciou fragilidades que parecem ser cruciais, como os vários entendimentos sobre o termo e a transversalidade como um elemento mais teórico do que prático. Viu-se também que pode ser desafiador criar políticas transversais pensando nos três poderes. Nesse sentido, a disputa por poder passa a ser um dificultador. O que se mostrou efetivo nessa luta foram os atos de resistência das mulheres que alcançaram cargos de comando.
Palavras-chave
mulheres na política; gênero e os três poderes; políticas públicas transversais
Introduction
The feminist movement has fought - and continues to fight- for the achievement of rights and greater gender equality. In Brazil, this trajectory has been marked by both progress and setbacks, and the implementation of certain public policies for women in the country is considered an important step in this process. By amplifying discussions on gender inequalities as well as asymmetric power relations in both public and private spaces, the feminist movement progressively engaged in dialogue with the State, advocating for the implementation of actions and proposing public policies aimed at women (Lolatto, 2020; Braga & Dalcin, 2021; Junior, 2021).
The feminist movement in Brazil has been fundamental in the construction of equality policies across various spheres of the country. The set of organized actions led by this movement gave rise to the gender agenda, which is essential for the development of public policies (Avelar & Rangel, 2017).
Therefore, the main actions in Brazil concerning public policies for women have stemmed from pressure exerted by feminist and women's movements, as pointed out by Matos (2017). The author highlights key milestones in Brazil’s public policies for women, such as the creation of the State Council for Women's Status in 1983; the establishment of the first Women's Defense Police Station and the National Council for Women's Rights in 1985; the creation of the Brazilian Women's Articulation (AMB) in 1994, which brought together over 800 women's groups and collaborated with Latin American feminism; and the role of non-governmental organizations in public policy development, such as the Feminist Center for Studies and Advisory Services and the Brazilian Women's Union (UBM) in the 1990s.
In the 2000s, a key demand of the feminist movement became female leadership, understood as the active participation of women in shaping public policies directed at them (Farah, 2004). Participation is, in fact, one of the guiding principles of the National Plan for Women's Policies, launched in 2004 (Brazil, 2023). This plan reinforces the importance of women’s involvement in the design and implementation of public policies and includes the issue of "access to political power" within the gender agenda, emphasizing the need for initiatives that facilitate such access (Farah, 2004).
In 2003, following the guidelines of the Fourth World Conference on Women, Brazil established a public gender agenda and created the Secretariat for Women’s Policies, linked to the Presidency of the Republic. Between 2003 and 2015, several government bodies and ministries focused on women’s issues were established, with efforts to promote greater political representation and female participation (Matos, 2010; Matos & Paradis, 2014). Beginning in 2011, the National Plan for Women's Policies incorporated the principle of mainstreaming, meaning the integration of women’s policies across different spheres of governance (Brazil, 2023).
However, from 2016 onward, public policies for women began to be dismantled, as noted by Gonçalves & Abreu (2018). During this period, significant budget cuts affected projects dedicated to women. The following years were also marked by further dismantling, making it difficult, if not impossible- to advance these policies (Leite, Turbino & Sauer, 2019).
The current Brazilian government, under President Lula, established the Ministry of Women, Racial Equality, and Human Rights, giving ministerial status to these issues. As a result, some laws were enacted in 2023, such as Law No. 14.541, which mandates the continuous operation of Specialized Police Stations for Women, and Law No. 14.611, which addresses pay equality between women and men.
Law No. 14.540, for example, which "establishes the Program for the Prevention and Combat of Sexual Harassment within the public administration at federal, state, district, and municipal levels," highlights the importance of mainstreaming as a guiding principle of women's public policies, as outlined in the National Plan for Women's Policies (Brazil, 2023). By specifying the "federal, state, district, and municipal" levels, the law reflects the concern that actions should be integrated across all government spheres. Nevertheless, mainstreaming public policies is far from a simple task (Serra, 2004; Bronzo, 2007; Ruiz, 2011; Papa, 2012).
There appears to be a problem in the application of mainstreaming, meaning that cross-sectoral policies for women face many challenges in their implementation within public organizations, ranging from deeply rooted patriarchal structures to the effective execution of these policies (Serra, 2004; Bronzo, 2007; Ruiz, 2011; Papa, 2012; Andrade et al., 2019). As a result, mainstreaming often remains confined to discourse, with the use of terminology but little practical impact (Papa, 2012). Moreover, its fragility is exposed every four years, as it is subject to new political directives that may shift with changing public administrations.
In the academic field, Farah et al. (2018) point out that the integration of studies on women and public policy remains underexplored. Given this context, the objective of this study was to analyze the perceptions of women in leadership positions in the Brazilian Executive, Legislative, and Judiciary branches regarding the possibility of mainstreaming in the development and implementation of public policies aimed at women.
Despite advances in gender equality, studies exploring the perceptions of women in leadership positions in the Brazilian Executive, Legislative, and Judiciary branches regarding the possibility of mainstreaming in the development and implementation of public policies targeting women are still limited. Brazilian literature has largely focused on the impacts and outcomes of these policies, without delving deeper into the experiences and strategic visions of female leaders who serve in decision-making spaces (Lombardo & Meier, 2019). This is compounded by the scarcity of comparative research across the three branches of government. This gap also reflects the predominance of quantitative and normative analyses that fail to adequately encompass the discursive and symbolic dimensions of public policies (Miguel & Biroli, 2014). Therefore, investigating the perceptions of women in leadership positions allows for a better understanding not only the institutional limits of gender mainstreaming but also the meanings attributed to this principle.
Beyond this introduction, the article is structured into four additional sections. The next section discusses the literature on cross-cutting public policies for women. Following this, the methodological choices are presented and justified. Subsequently, the data analysis encompasses a discussion around three aspects: i) women's perceptions of the concept of cross-cutting public policies; ii) aspects that favor the creation and implementation of such policies; iii) is cross-cutting possible? The article concludes with a summary of the main results and contributions of the research.
Cross-sectoral public policies for women
Conceptually, public policy is "a guideline developed to address a public problem" (Secchi, 2020, p. 13). It is materialized through a set of actions, laws, programs, campaigns, and goals that governments (federal, state, or municipal) establish—or should establish—according to the public interest.
To understand the cross-sectorality of public policies, it is essential to grasp the concept of cross-sectorality itself. In studies on women in politics, this definition assumes different perspectives. According to Sardenberg (2010), there is no consensus on the definition of cross-sectorality. The term originates from the concept of gender mainstreaming, first cited at the Sixth UN World Conference on Women in Sweden (1995), which refers to making gender a central element in policy discussions. Cross-sectorality is considered a Brazilian adaptation of this concept (Bandeira, 2004; Serra, 2004).
Research in the field of public administration links cross-sectorality to horizontal management, a flexible management model that allows decision-making autonomy for employees, as opposed to a hierarchical vertical structure in which orders come from the top down (Arriznabarreta, 1998, 2001). Serra (2004), on the other hand, does not see cross-sectorality as a challenge to vertical logic but rather as a set of organizational strategies focused on a particular issue, such as gender. It is also common for the term to be used interchangeably with intersectorality, a management mechanism that seeks to coordinate multiple sectors of society to address a common problem (Serra, 2004; Bronzo, 2007).
However, there is consensus that cross-sectorality is linked to a set of actions that challenge structured hierarchies to meet social and political demands raised by organized groups—such as women’s movements—aiming to promote government actions (Bronzo, 2007).
According to Serra (2004), the problem does not lie in defining the term but in its application, particularly within public organizations. A cross-sectoral agency should work to transform institutional values rather than simply executing cross-sectoral programs, which would be the responsibility of sectoral agencies. Furthermore, both Serra (2004) and Bronzo (2007) point out that the main challenge may lie in unrealistic expectations about how cross-sectoral management should function, disregarding the fact that it is a relatively new and still developing approach. Arriznabarreta (1998), in turn, argues that the challenge is in creating networks among managers that prioritize collaboration and trust. Therefore, the conflict appears to be both theoretical and practical.
From a gender perspective, Sardenberg (2010) and Prá (2010) highlight distinctions between cross-sectorality and gender mainstreaming, which affect the implementation of public policies. Cross-sectorality involves shifting gender to the center of power and social organization, requiring an understanding of how gender influences relationships and then developing intentional strategies to transform reality. These intentional strategies lead to the planned development of public policies, characterizing gender mainstreaming. In other words, cross-sectorality aims to developa new way of thinking—aligning with Serra’s (2004) perspective—while gender mainstreaming refers to the development and implementation of public policies based on that cross-sectoral approach.
Papa (2012) notes that the meaning of cross-sectorality shifts depending on the theoretical-political stance of the individual. Similarly, Ruiz (2011) points out that challenges in implementing cross-sectoral actions may be embedded within the structure of public policies themselves, particularly in how they are implemented top down. This is because those responsible for executing policies must internalize mainstreaming,that is, incorporate a gender perspective into policymaking. However, this has not happened, as gender perspectives are not adequately integrated into all levels of decision-making.
As Daly (2005) points out, institutional mechanisms are necessary to structurally incorporate gender into public policies while considering the specificities of each locality or country. This would also prevent the mechanization of the process, which risks depoliticizing cross-sectorality. In his view, agenda-setting is crucial, and support from governmental and non-governmental sectors, along with broader society, enables a more democratic alignment.
In Brazil, cross-sectorality was institutionalized through the 2004–2007 Multi-Year Plan, driven by pressures from feminist movements and the influence of the international agenda. This plan sets goals and guidelines for federal administration over four years to guide budget planning.
The Secretariat for Women's Public Policies (SPM), created in 2003, announced that gender would be integrated into policies at all three levels of government (federal, state, and municipal) and that transformations would occur through a cross-sectoral process involving the SPM, other ministries, civil society, and the international community. Subsequent National Plans for Women's Policies (PNPM) (2004–2007, 2008–2011, 2013–2015) followed this approach (Brazil, 2013). The first PNPM explicitly included cross-sectorality, a principle maintained in later plans.
However, studies have indicated that there appears to be an issue with applicability (Serra, 2004; Bronzo, 2007; Ruiz, 2011). For example, the Department of Government Innovation (Dinov), linked to the Ministry of Management and Public Services Innovation (MGI), has been implementing initiatives since 2023 to promote gender equality within the career fields it oversees, which are predominantly male-dominated. One such initiative, the Simple and Non-Sexist Language project, surveyed 137 professionals in cross-sectoral careers about their experiences incorporating a gender perspective into their work. Of the respondents: 73 were aware of the possibility of integrating gender perspectives but had never had the opportunity to do so; 43 had participated in actions that applied gender perspectives; 21 had never seen how gender perspectives could be implemented in their daily work. In other words, the majority (94 out of 137) had not successfully applied gender perspectives in their work.
This example illustrates the challenges of applying cross-sectorality, which often remains at the discursive level with little practical impact (Papa, 2012). Considering effectiveness, a parallel can be drawn between cross-sectorality and female political participation. After all, gender quotas are a public policy for women, resulting from feminist advocacy. Similarly, cross-sectorality has also emerged due to such pressures.
From this perspective, just as cross-sectorality must lead to gender mainstreaming- meaning that a shift in mindset should result in the creation and implementation of public policies for social transformation -, women’s political participation must ensure representation in order to be truly effective.
Method
Considering the objective of this study, a qualitative research approach was chosen (Minayo, 2012), emphasizing women's perspectives. The interviewees have multifaceted and profound histories and trajectories, making their inclusion fundamental to analyzing the phenomenon under studied.
The research method used was the case study, which seeks to analyze a phenomenon within its real-world context—in this case, the political context. As a data triangulation strategy, the study sought to compare the perceptions of three groups of interviewees: women in the Executive, Legislative, and Judiciary branches. Therefore, the perceptions of women in these three spheres of power were cross-referenced and compared, highlighting points of convergence and divergence.
The women participating in the study were selected based on three criteria: a) being a woman; b) holding a leadership position in one of the three branches of government; c) working in the State of Minas Gerais, for accessibility reasons. No specific criteria were set for age, marital status, or number of children, as the focus was on women's professional roles in general.
It is important to note that public positions, especially in the Executive and Legislative branches, are available on government transparency portals. For the Judiciary, the first interviewee was selected after one of the researchers attended a speech in which she discussed her work in support of women. This interviewee then referred another participant, who in turn referred another, following the snowball sampling technique (Vinuto, 2014).
A total of 18 women were interviewed, as shown in Table 1.
The group of women in the Executive branch has the highest average age, followed by the Judiciary. Most women in the Executive and Legislative branches are married and have children. In the Legislative branch, however, most are not married and do not have children. A possible explanation may lie in the postponement of motherhood—something that occurs among women in various professional categories, as pointed out by Almeida, Mota-Santos, and Souza (2023); Reis, Mota-Santos, and Teixeira (2022); and Carvalho Neto, Tanure, and Mota-Santos (2014). This is because the nature of their work demands exclusive dedication, making it challenging to balance time between professional responsibilities and domestic and childcare duties, especially in the Legislative; these are career paths that are difficult to reconcile with family life. As Matos (2010) discussed, a significant number of women who take on this career journey are single, divorced, widowed, and childless, which may indicate the incompatibility of family life with a political career.
The interviews were conducted between August 2022 and May 2023 and lasted an average of 45 minutes, with some being held in person and others virtually. For data analysis, the content analysis technique was adopted, as it is a tool for analyzing communications. Its application, which involves in-depth examination of the interviewees' statements, aligns with the objective of this study. Furthermore, this strategy aims to go beyond the literal interpretation of content and capture underlying questions or implicit understandings present in the discourse.
Regarding the analysis stages, the research was based on Bardin’s (2010) approach: i) pre-analysis; ii) exploration and coding of the material; iii) data processing and interpretation. In the pre-analysis stage, a complete and comprehensive reading of the women's statements was conducted, taking the central objective of the research as a starting point.
During the material exploration phase, the text was initially organized according to the questions established in the interview script. This instrument, consisting of open-ended questions, was divided into three main sections: i) profile of the interviewed woman; ii) development of public policies for women, addressing questions such as: what actions for women have you developed or participated in? What difficulties did you find in implementing them? iii) cross-cutting public policies, involving questions such as: are these actions discussed with other sectors, branches of power, institutions, or society? What could make the development and implementation of public policies for women more effective? Do you know what cross-cutting policies are? Can you provide an example?
Thus, the women’s statements were categorized according to registration units (Bardin, 2010), which, in this case, were the interview script questions. Within each question, the goal was to identify converging and diverging patterns among the statements of the three groups of women studied: women in the Executive vs. Judiciary vs. Legislative branches. Next, a careful and complete rereading of the text was conducted to identify themes that had not been anticipated in the initial questions, aiming to recognize emerging aspects in the data,whether implicit or silenced elements present in the women’s discourse.
Based on this categorization, the statements were analyzed and interpreted to identify aspects strongly reiterated in the women's discourse, allowing for inferences based on the data. Subsequently, a comparison was made between the data and existing theories to identify convergent and divergent aspects in the literature regarding the gender challenges women face in politics.
Data analysis
This section brings together the main findings of the study, involving a discussion around three aspects: i) women's perceptions of the concept of transversal public policies; ii) aspects that favor the creation and implementation of such policies; iii) is transversality possible?
What are cross-cutting public policies?
The same lack of definition regarding the term cross-cutting observed in the literature (Bandeira, 2004; Bandeira & Bittencourt, 2004; Bronzo, 2007; Sardenberg, 2010) seems to permeate the interviewees' understanding. While they believe that cross-cutting is a way to assist in the creation and implementation of public policies aimed at women, the interviewees from the Executive and Legislative branches do not appear comfortable considering cross-cutting as involving all spheres of power. In other words, they mentioned the importance of the Judiciary's involvement when implementing policies, but not when creating them.
Interviewee 9's statement indicates that cross-cutting public policies occur when their applicability involves federal, state and municipal governments. That is, considering only the Executive and Legislative branches:
A cross-cutting policy is one that involves federal, state and municipal levels. We have some actions in this regard, including the Secretariat for Women's Policies (SPM). When you have action at all levels, the policy adopted becomes more cohesive and easier to implement because everyone will follow the same guidelines. It involves much more of this type of guidance. (Interviewee 9)
One problem pointed out by several women in the Executive and Legislative branches regarding the transversality of public policies is the lack of an agency that provides guidelines for these public policies or an agenda in defense of women, as illustrated in the following report: “I consider the lack of an agency responsible for coordinating these public policies for women to be critical.” (Interviewee 1)
Interviewee 16 also addresses the issue of the lack of an agency capable of directing transversal actions. However, she does not believe that such an agency will exist because of political disputes and believes that, although it would be better if public policies were directed from the federal level, top down, in practice what has actually worked are regionalized efforts, bottom up. If, as she states, these initiatives work in some way, they cannot be disregarded under the discourse of the need for an agency to manage them. On the other hand, the need for this body to exist cannot be ignored, since these women deal with issues related to public policies for women on a daily basis and their opinions are based on the work they do.
It is interesting to note that this bottom-up element addressed by Interviewee 16 summarizes, in a way, the idealization versus reality that permeated the speeches of women from the Executive and Legislative branches. They discussed what they consider to be cross-cutting public policies, understood as those that permeate the federal, state, and municipal spheres, but made it clear that the issue is still in the realm of idealization. Therefore, they considered that, for now, efforts to implement policies for women remains localized. Although it needs direction, it is this effort that leverages the achievements so far:
The laws we formulate are generally discussed with the [social] movements, with the population, there is a listening to society and this is already transversality. The Maria da Penha Law [violence against women] itself is an example of this and today it is widely disseminated throughout the country. The actions, protests, everything is put together with society, because without mobilization our voices are not recognized. (Interviewee 7)
I was elected to represent women and that is what I try to do, valuing them, forming a female team to show that we can hold positions dominated by men. If there is no equality in other governments, I can do something different and highlight women in mine. (Interviewee 17)
From the reports, it is clear that the interviewees perceive in their work practices an attempt to develop actions that benefit women and conclude that popular participation or participation from other sectors constitutes a transversal effort. In this sense, the testimony of an interviewee from the Executive branch, who is a municipal government secretary, summarizes this understanding:
Transversality is a theory. It requires strategy to make it practical because real life is made up of people. And public servants carry prejudices. Let me give you an example: we established a government program to combat violence against women, adopted several measures: panic buttons on buses, priority in income generation programs, literacy, among others. We coordinated with the legislature to approve the plan and laws, involved institutions, called the Public Prosecutor's Office, the police, and went to the judiciary to discuss the application of the law. This is building a transversal policy. And where has this been stumbling? In the budget [public] and in public servants’ prejudices. Perhaps that’s why federal government support is necessary in this budget issue. As for the public servants, there is a lack of training. Everything we design falls apart if the victim is discredited by the staff at a women's police station. (Interviewee 10)
The interviewee touches on important points, and it can be inferred that all the aspects she addressed can contribute to the transversality of public policies for women. First, when she speaks about the people’s prejudices, the interviewee refers to the naturalization of sexism in society (Matos, 2010; Biroli, 2018). When she talks about the treatment given to women who are victims of violence at police stations, the interviewee shows how these behaviors rooted in society can undermine the joint effort toward transformation.
In the passage above, Interviewee 10 mentions two obstacles: public servants, as described earlier, and the budget. For her, the support of the federal government would be important to allocate funds capable of speeding up the implementation of the program. This aligns with the need pointed out by other interviewees for a federal body to plan actions so that the budget could be requested and equally distributed.
When she states that transversality is a theory, she refers to the literature that understands the topic as being more withinthe discursive field than in the practical one, which seems to constitute a significant barrier to its applicability (Serra, 2004; Sardenberg, 2010; Papa, 2012). Finally, by reaffirming the view that transversality is about crossing over agencies and institutions, Interviewee 10 also mentions dialogue with the Judiciary. It becomes clear that this discussion is only taken to this sphere for the execution of what has already been planned. This is precisely the criticism observed in the testimonies of women in the judiciary.
The definition of transversality by the women in the judiciary reveals their dissatisfaction with not being involved in the planning and creation stages of policies:
I believe that the transversality of a public policy is the construction together with all the parties that will be necessary for it to be effective. It is very difficult to think about transversality without the overall involvement. (Interviewee 2)
Transversal is what crosses through, transversality would be crossing through the process, coordinating with the actors of the process. In reality, this is not what happens. (Interviewee 14).
Unlike the understanding of interviewees from the Legislative and Executive branches, who see transversality as the creation of policies involving federal, state, and municipal spheres, with a focus on these two branches of government , the women from the Judiciary define transversality as the creation of public policies involving all parties that will have a role in these policies. Not seeing themselves included in the planning stages, women from the Judiciary express skepticism regarding the implementation of transversal policies, as it is also through the Judiciary that the necessary instruments for their application could be identified.
The statements from interviewees across all three branches demonstrate that, in fact, the Judiciary does not participate in the creation of policies for women, usually becoming involved only in the implementation phase. Women from the Executive and Legislative branches did not identify this as an obstacle to transversal policies, pointing instead to other elements that hinder the process. For the women from the Judiciary, however, this is the fundamental issue that would enable transversality.
Paths for transversal public policies for women
In addition to the absence of an agency directing transversal public policies, the interviewees pointed out other obstacles that undermine transversality. The main ones were: lack of dialogue, lack of budget, lack of training, and political rivalry. Added to these is the lack of consensus regarding the definition of transversality, also noted in the literature (Bronzo, 2007; Sardenberg, 2010).
The interviewees were also asked about aspects that could favor the transversality of public policies for women. For those working in the Executive and Legislative branches, a key element is that women have decision-making power that needs to be used:
When you have leaders who do not prioritize an issue, you get less attention for that issue, less training, less budget. (...) If you look at my term, where this theme is a priority, you will see that my chief of staff is a woman, my head of external relations is also a woman, you will see a majority of women, and you will observe a mandate focused on defending women, with laws and initiatives in this regard. (Interviewee 1)
This account reinforces the idea that women's achievements are not a natural process; they result from women’s struggles to achieve equality (Matos, 2010; Biroli, 2018). It also indicate important tools provided by occupying positions of power: the visibility gained, the use of resources that these positions make available, the greater capacity for social mobilization, and the possibility of bringing the formulations discussed in social movements into the practical field. In this sense, Interviewee 1's testimony highlights how priorities change depending on who occupies the leadership position.
Another factor that favors transversality in the perception of women from the Executive and Legislative branches is the closeness to women's movements, especially the feminist movement: “We are in daily conversation with the feminist movement. They are the ones who point out the demands to guide our actions in the Assembly. If we are talking about effective policies, no one better than those who deal with the problems in daily life to tell us the necessary practices.” (Interviewee 9).
Once again, the testimonies reveal that there seems to be difficulty in proposing tools for applying transversality, which can be justified by the fact that it is a term more present in the conceptual plane than in the practical one, as the literature itself points out (Ruiz, 2011; Papa, 2012). This makes the discussion around this topic even more necessary, in order to indicate pathwaysthat shift it from theory to the field of realization.
In any case, it cannot be overlooked that the interviewees believe proximity to other women is important for representing their interests. Without the efforst of women themselves, it is difficult envision expanding pathways to equality.
Interviewees from the Judiciary identified elements that favor transversality: intelligence/empathy/experience acquired, and personal effort. Regarding the first point, they emphasized their work skills, as well as experiences gained in previous roles to deal with the application of the laws:
I have been a police officer, I know what women go through in situations of violence, I know the legal subterfuges used by the defense of the aggressors. So, I can understand when the application of a sentence may be effective and when I will need to use other resources, such as ordering a follow-up for this woman. For this, it is often necessary to have quick thinking and perspicacity (Interviewee 12).
It is observed that intelligence andempathy are considered by these women to be important elements for transversality. Intelligence in terms of the skills acquired through their professional experiences, and empathy in terms of the humanized perspective also gained through their trajectories. It is interesting to note that these aspects resonate with the approach of the interviewees from the Executive and Legislative branches regarding thinking about transversality in terms of closeness to society. This common characteristic may point to a convergence in the perception of interviewees from the three branches regarding transversal policies, indicating a potential pathway for discussing this theme.
Regarding the second element that would favor transversality, personal effort, interviewees from the Judiciary once again highlighted their lack of participation in the planning of public policies but praised their efforts to seek alternatives to contribute to these policies:
The right thing to do would be to do it together. I think there is this concentration of power that doesn't help, but I think we end up looking for other paths. If I see publicity for forums and conferences about women, or policies for women, I make a point of participating, understanding what is being discussed and trying to translate it into my day-to-day work. Have you heard of the Legal Prosecutors initiative? It's a cool project that I've been part of that brings information to women. I think it's important not to stagnate, to start from the principle that we can all be agents of change. (Interviewee 14)
The Popular Legal Prosecutors project mentioned aims to inform women across Brazil about the country's laws for women, so that they know how to demand the fulfillment of their rights from the government. It is noteworthy because the project originated within the women's movement, once again demonstrating its importance in advancing actions in defense of women. However, it was the partnership with other institutions that made its implementation possible, bringing knowledge to the female population. This highlights the importance of multiple actors in the development of an initiative.
Are transversal public policies across branches of government possible?
Given the obstacles and solutions identified for achieving transversality in public policies, the possibility of this occurring across the three branches investigated is questioned. Interviewees’ perceptions on this matter are divergent. Women from the Executive and Legislative branches believe that transversality exists, although it is a path full of challenges. On the other hand, the interviewees from the Judiciary disagree, arguing that transversality does not exist because the Judiciary is distanced from the creation of public policies, but they consider it possible if there is integration of this power into the decision-making processes.
For the interviewees from the Executive and Legislative branches, there are greater obstacles than this distance pointed out by the women from the Judiciary. They even try to justify this distance: The powers are different, each with its own function and are equally important. (Interviewee 13). Or:
The role of the judiciary is very important because it is the one that enforces the laws. More dialogue is needed. Listening and dialogue are always important, and they bring many perspectives. I think we are on the right track. More serious problems are the lack of management and budget, which affects us all: the executive, legislative and judiciary branches. (Interviewee 4)
Interviewee 13 addresses the issue of the legitimacy granted through voting as a factor that ensures greater proximity to the female public. She justifies the concentration of decision-making power in the construction of these policies in the Executive and Legislative branches due to this factor.
Other testimonies mention the importance of the participation of women from the Judiciary: "A management body could be composed of women from all branches, which would bring us closer, open paths. However, this body is lacking. We need to overcome disputes (...), because the ones who lose are the women." (Interviewee 18); "The possibility exists, but for it to be transversal across the three branches, it needs to open up to the judiciary." (Interviewee 8).
Transversality was generally described by the interviewees as a process that requires relationships among governments, branches, institutions, women’s movements, and society in order to build and implement transversal public policies. However, the data suggest that the transversality envisioned by both the interviewees and the literature (Bronzo, 2007; Papa, 2012; Sardenberg, 2010) somehow appears to be limited to the theoretical realm.
Moreover, it was observed that transversality is the subject of power struggles among the three branches. In this regard, a management body that, even if composed of representatives from different branches, has the authority to define guidelines and create a feminist agenda, and thus be able to advocate for a public budget to enable the actions, seems to be a promising path.
Other important points were raised in order for transversality in public policies to be possible or to expand, from the perspective of women from the three branches: (1) Female occupation of decision-making spaces under the logic of truly representing women’s interests, i.e., women committed to the cause; (2) Dialogue and listening to all participants in the process; (3) Creation of a management body for public policies for women, with participation from all involved in the process; (4) Coordination among branches, governments, institutions, and society to form partnerships that can enable actions; and (5) Understanding that transversality is a gradual process.
Table 2 summarizes the main findings of this study.
Finally, the data allow identification of contributing and restrictive factors for the creation and implementation of public policies for women. The findings suggest the following obstacles: i) lack of a coordinating body capable of directing policies, defining guidelines, and coordinating actions; ii) political disputes; iii) budgetary insufficiency; iv) naturalization of sexism and social prejudices; v) lack of consensus on the concept of transversality; vi) limitation to the realm of theory: many initiatives remain idealized, not practical. The findings suggest the following facilitating factors: i) female occupation of decision-making spaces; ii) closer ties with women's/feminist movements; iii) social mobilization and participation; iv) inter-institutional partnerships.
Transversality would bring benefits by fostering greater coherence and integration among laws, programs, and their implementation; by reducing fragmentation and political disputes surrounding gender policies; by enabling the development of a coordinated national feminist agenda; by optimizing the use of resources (financial, human, and institutional); by expanding the legitimacy and effectiveness of policies, through the inclusion of both formulation and implementation from a plural perspective.
Conclusions
First, it is worth noting that addressing transversality was challenging because, in addition to being a poorly studied subject, there are issues in the conceptualization of the term in the literature. The data showed first that many women considered transversality in terms of actions that span the three branches of the Brazilian State, i.e., the federal, state and municipal spheres. This may have been a challenge for the application of transversality. Therefore, it was important for this study to analyze transversality in public policies from the perspective of women in the three branches of government. After all, public policies cross these three powers. However, when transversality is understood only as crossing the federal, state, and municipal spheres, it seems to assume a vertical character (from top to bottom).
The data obtained in this research also reveal a difficulty in understanding the term "transversality" among all interviewees, corroborating the literature. The theoretical discussion showed that there are several (mis)understandings of the term, and indeed, this was perceived in this research. The findings showed that women in the Executive and Legislative branches, specifically, consider transversal public policies those that span the three government levels: federal, state, and municipal. Therefore, they exclude the Judiciary and believe th levels of government at some transversal policies already exist, although they emphasize that significant improvements are needed.
On the other hand, those working in the Judiciary consider that there are no transversal policies because the branch to which they belong is not included in the planning of actions. For them, transversality must include all the actors involved in the process, i.e., including them.
However, the women from the Executive and Legislative branches understand that the role of the Judiciary in the enforcement of laws already indicates that they are part of the process, relying on the legitimacy conferred by votes to justify the fact that they have greater representativeness in formulating these policies. For these women, the improvement of transversal policies should come through a federal agency charged with coordinating policies that is immune to changes in government. This agency should also ensure greater participation of women in decision-making and closer proximity to women's movements. The interviewees from the Judiciary, however, believe that the way forward would be through more dialogue and participation of this branch in the planning of policies, not only in their execution.
In practice, the process of transversality reveals both progress and challenges. It was highly relevant for this research to identify successful attempts at public policies that span across branches, suggesting the potential for enhancing transversality when considering these three spheres. However, this study highlighted weaknesses that seem crucial, such as the multiple understandings of the term and the absence of an agenda. In fact, transversality seems much more a theoretical element than a practical one. It became evident that creating transversal policies considering the three branches of government can be very challenging. Power struggle among actors from the three branches proved to be a significant obstacle in this regard.
What has proven effective in this struggle are the actions of women who have reached these positions and are visibly reflected in actions directed at defending women. They view transversality as something possible and beneficial for the advancement of women's rights. To achieve this, they advocate for a coordinating body responsible for qualifying the formulation and implementation of public policies. This coordination work was pointed out as essential, provided it is built based on cooperation among the actors involved. Continuous dialogue between the parties, as well as closer ties with civil society movements on different occasions to qualify arguments and even for the execution of some actions, proved to be a way to materialize transversality. That is, the need for greater listening among the various actors is emphasized so that all perspectives can be considered.
The approach to transversality, based on the three analyzed spheres, represents a gain from the effort to integrate these branches of government but also produces simplifications and limitations in the analysis of each of them, which have notable complexities. Comparative national and international studies would be needed to determine whether this reflects a uniqueness of the Brazilian case.
Regarding its contributions, this study advances in two directions. First, the research sheds light on the difficulties faced by women in the creation and implementation of transversal public policies aimed at them, also offering a comparative perspective of women in the three branches of government. A second contribution is that this research accessed women in leadership positions in politics, who are very few in the Brazilian context. Highlighting the voice of this minority helped to elucidate the challenges they face in building public policies directed at women.
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O&S encourages data sharing. However, in compliance with ethical principles, it does not demand the disclosure of any means of identifying research participants, preserving fully their privacy. The practice of open data seeks to ensure the transparency of the research results, without requiring the identity of research participants.
