(MICRO) POLICIES IN MODEL HIGH SCHOOLS: THE PRODUCTION OF MARGINALITIES

ABSTRACT

This text aims to present some theoretical constructs regarding the relationship between school and democracy, outlined as a theoretical-conceptual framework of research intended to analyze the potential of schools in promoting child and adolescent protagonism. The starting point is the perspective of marginalization within the educational system, as proposed by Dermeval Saviani. Among the findings of the case study conducted in four Model High Schools in Pernambuco, Brazil, conceptions were developed regarding the marginalization driven by the educational system. It was found that these schools deliberately produce educational exclusion of students as a way to comply with the accountability demands of education policies, here conceived through the presentation of new forms of marginalization.

Keywords
Education policies; Educational exclusion; High School; School democracy; Marginalization

RESUMO

O objetivo deste texto é apresentar alguns construtos teóricos sobre a relação entre escola e democracia, delineados como um recorte teórico-conceitual de pesquisa cujo intuito foi analisar as potencialidades da escola para a promoção do protagonismo infantoadolescente. O ponto de partida é a perspectiva de marginalização presente no sistema educacional, proposta por Dermeval Saviani. Entre os resultados do estudo de casos realizado em quatro Escolas de Referência em Ensino Médio de Pernambuco, desenvolveram-se concepções a respeito da marginalização movida pelo sistema educacional. Constatou-se que tais escolas produzem deliberadamente a exclusão educacional de estudantes como forma de se adequar às exigências de responsabilização da política educacional, aqui concebida por meio da apresentação de novas formas de marginalização.

Palavras-chave
Políticas educacionais; Exclusão educacional; Ensino Médio; Democracia escolar; Marginalização

RESUMEN

El objetivo de este texto es presentar algunos constructos teóricos sobre la relación entre escuela y democracia, delineados como un recorte teórico-conceptual de investigación cuyo propósito fue analizar las potencialidades de la escuela para la promoción del protagonismo infantoadolescente. El punto de partida es la perspectiva de marginalización presente en el sistema educativo, propuesta por Dermeval Saviani. Entre los resultados del estudio de casos realizado en cuatro Escuelas de Referencia en Enseñanza Secundaria de Pernambuco, se desarrollaron concepciones a respecto de la marginalización movida por el sistema educativo. Se constató que tales escuelas producen deliberadamente la exclusión educativa de estudiantes como forma de adecuarse a las exigencias de responsabilización de la política educativa, aquí concebida por medio de la presentación de nuevas formas de marginalización.

Palabras clave
Políticas educativas; Exclusión educativa; Enseñanza Secundaria; Democracia escolar; Marginalización

Introduction

This paper presents a selection of results from a study aimed at analyzing the potential of high schools in the state of Pernambuco to foster child and adolescent protagonism, drawing on theories that highlight the relationship between School and Democracy, taking as a starting point the analytical propositions of Dermeval Saviani (2018) set out in a text of the same title.

The research, conducted between 2019 and 2023 with funding from the National Council for Scientific and Technological Development (CNPq), allowed us to carry out analyses and reflections (Botler; Nascimento, 2021, 2022, 2023, 2024) based on the potential revealed by its inventory, without yet exhausting them. The collection of empirical data took place alongside the COVID-19 pandemic, which generated various forms of marginalization and amplified others, enabling us to capture how schools dealt with this new reality. However, we emphasize that the original research design did not account for the school context during the pandemic, which is why we did not take it as the focus of our analysis. Thus, we highlight that the specific aim of the study was to analyze school democracy from the perspective of promoting the political action of its subjects and identifying their demands for rights and justice.

As part of this research, we conducted an investigation in four Model High Schools (referred to as Escolas de Referência em Ensino Médio – EREM in Portuguese) in the state of Pernambuco, Brazil, located in four mesoregions: Metropolitan Recife, Agreste, Mata, and Sertão do São Francisco. The participating Model High Schools were selected through an informal network of recommendations, based on the premise that these schools had some form of established student organization. Our methodological approach was a case study (Yin, 2015), with data collection carried out in three complementary ways.

In the first mode, we visited the participating schools, allowing us to observe not only their spaces and infrastructure but also what these spaces revealed—that is, how and where students gathered during breaks, how the environment was monitored, including through surveillance cameras, the graffiti on the walls, and the school’s openness to visits from researchers, for example. In the second mode, we collected data on the schools available in the school census. In the third, data collection was conducted through semi-structured interviews with school administrators and teachers who were willing to participate, with an average of six teacher interviews per school. For students, we opted for the focus group technique within the qualitative perspective of social sciences, conducting one group per school, each consisting of six to eight participants (Gondim, 2003).

The data analysis was inspired by the Content Analysis method (Bardin, 1977), not through a comparative or contrasting approach of information and/or conceptions, but by separately examining the data from each segment in each school, which we categorized based on what arose as the potential of high schools in Pernambuco state to promote child and adolescent protagonism, from which common expressions of marginalization across the schools emerged.

We start from the political theory of the educational field applied in this state under the framework of full-time education to observe how it is experienced within the micropolitics of the schools under study. This allows us to see how education policy impacts the micropolitics of these Model High Schools, leading to the production of new forms of marginalization, despite the declared discourse of commitment to quality in the state education network.

Thus, this paper aims to present some theoretical constructs on the relationship between school and democracy. We problematize how Pernambuco’s full-time education policy generates marginalization while showing how Model High Schools respond by shaping their micropolitics. Our focus will be on deductive insights and lessons from the research conducted, without referring to excerpts from the empirical field. We begin with theoretical considerations before presenting the new forms of marginalization identified through the research data.

School and Democracy: The Issue of Marginalization

Dermeval Saviani, in his 1983 work Escola e Democracia [School and Democracy], invites us to reflect on how the pedagogical theories experienced throughout Brazil’s history have functioned as instruments of educational and social exclusion, reinforcing economic and social class distinctions. Based on the educational context of the early 1980s, he questioned the impact of these theories in a reality where half of the students completed primary education without satisfactorily developing reading and writing skills—what we now call functional illiteracy. In this regard, he argued that the school was a major promoter of severe marginalization.

At that time, Saviani did not develop a specific theory on the term ‘marginalization’, but provided a characterization based on the perception of educational democratization linked to access to education and the construction of knowledge through schooling, pointing out the importance of these pillars in overcoming social and economic inequalities. Thus, the notion of marginalization came to be associated with the process of educational and social exclusion, taking on the specific meaning of social segregation, which is why it later led him to assert that “[...] the mastery of knowledge is one of the weapons the ruling class employs to neutralize potentially revolutionary actions” (Saviani; Duarte, 2012, p. 9).

By discussing the role of the school in shaping individuals, the author examines educational theories through the lens of marginalization. He categorizes these theories into two groups: the first, composed of non-critical educational theories, sees “[...] education as an instrument of social equalization and, therefore, a means of overcoming marginalization” (Saviani, 2018, p. 56), while the second, consisting of critical-reproductionist theories, views “[...] education as an instrument of social discrimination and, consequently, a factor of marginalization” (Saviani, 2018, p. 56). The issue is that while the first group naively seeks to solve marginalization through schooling, without success, the second explains the reason for this supposed failure (Saviani, 2018).

Saviani proposes a third perspective, the critical-transformative theories, suggesting a new approach that goes beyond the pessimistic-reproductionist spirit of previous frameworks and which is later developed in his work under the name Critical Theory. This has driven us to revisit his contribution, more than forty years later, in light of historical, political, socio-economic, and cultural events. In this period, the recognition of education as a fundamental right, of social nature, stands out, especially from 1988 with the Constitution, but notably with the Estatuto da Criança e do Adolescente (ECA) [Statute of the Child and Adolescent] (Brasil, 1990) and the Lei de Diretrizes e Bases da Educação Nacional (LDB) [National Education Guidelines and Framework Law] (Brasil, 1996).

We ask ourselves, despite the educational theories outlined by Saviani, which theories are embedded in today’s education policies? Along this path, do education policies, supported by current educational theories, lead to a school that promotes marginalization? How have schools responded to these policies? What new theories are shaping the relationship between school and democracy? These questions prompted us to focus on the full-time education policy adopted in Pernambuco state, widely promoted as a success and now being expanded to other state education networks.

In fact, in the early 2000s, school performance in the state of Pernambuco was among the lowest in Brazil, reflecting the reality observed by Saviani in the late 1970s. Based on a model built on a public-private partnership,

[...] between the Jarbas Vasconcelos government and the Institute of Co-responsibility for Education (ICE), resulted in a new school format that served as a theoretical-methodological reference for the full-time High School Policy, created by the subsequent government

(Araújo, 2020, p. 18).

According to Magalhães (2008, p. 10), the aim was to “[...] mobilize the business class, according to the ethics of co-responsibility, to produce innovative and replicable educational solutions in content, method, and management”. The same author explains that the ICE coordinated, until 2007, the selection of the municipalities where the Model Schools would be implemented, as well as the selection of managers and future teachers, in partnership with the Secretary of Education. From there,

[...] by transforming the pilot experience into a state policy in 2008, the Eduardo Campos government initiated the expansion plan for this educational model, which has been consolidating itself in public opinion as one of the most successful initiatives

(Araújo, 2020, p. 18).

Through this partnership, a reform of the public education system was defined, promoting the idea that the results-oriented management model, applied to private companies, would yield positive results in education, with large-scale tests as the main indicator.

According to data available on the State Department of Education portal (Ruann, 2024), the Full-Time Education Program has already been adopted by over 60% of state high schools in Pernambuco state. In 2024, for instance, the state education network had 637 extended-hour schools out of 1,061 state schools, with at least one full-time school in each municipality of Pernambuco, including the Fernando de Noronha Archipelago.

However, while the universalization policy was consolidating in the state—ranking first nationwide in the percentage of high school students enrolled in this model (62.5% in 2022)—Pernambuco also held the third-highest national rate of youth aged 15 to 17 out of school (15.4% of this age group). This led us to consider whether the Full-Time Education Program education policy might be contributing to marginalization, which justified our data collection and analysis.

First and foremost, it is important to emphasize that the debate on the implementation of full-time public schools in Brazil is not recent, having been introduced by various initiatives throughout history, notably Anísio Teixeira’s proposal, which gained visibility through the Manifesto dos Pioneiros da Educação Nova [Manifesto of the Pioneers of New Education]. This document advocated for comprehensive education as a “biological right” of individuals, with the State responsible for ensuring a public, secular, and free school for all (Gadotti, 2009). In this regard, Parente (2017, p. 23) highlights that,

[...] full-time education is a recurring theme on Brazil’s education policy agenda. However, it has not always had enough political momentum to advance toward policy formulation and implementation. At times, policies in this area were developed and implemented in an isolated manner by certain federal entities, and many of them were marked by discontinuities, a common aspect of Brazilian public administration.

Indeed, experiments with full-time schools as public policy can be observed at both local and national levels, such as the Centros Integrados de Educação Pública (CIEP) [Integrated Centers for Public Education] in the 1980s and the Centros de Atenção Integral à Criança e ao Adolescente (CAIC) [Comprehensive Care Centers for Children and Adolescents] in the 1990s. The topic was also addressed during discussions on the National Education Guidelines and Framework Law, approved in 1996, and the Plano Nacional de Educação (PNE) [National Education Plan], approved in 2001 (Parente, 2018).

In Pernambuco’s case, the comprehensive education model emerged in 2000 when a group of entrepreneurs took over the administrative and pedagogical management of Ginásio Pernambucano—one of the country’s most traditional schools. This group founded the Instituto de Corresponsabilidade pela Educação (ICE) [Institute of Co-Responsibility for Education], which structured the comprehensive education program, receiving full support from the state government through the Programa de Desenvolvimento de Centros de Ensino Experimental (PROCENTRO) [Development Program for Experimental Teaching Centers], the state arm of the partnership with ICE.

The partnership between PROCENTRO and ICE was structured around a management model inspired by business principles, notably the PDCA cycle (Plan, Do, Check, Act), with content largely aligned with market interests, covering topics such as youth entrepreneurship and work culture. This approach drew criticism for its apparent disconnect from the real living conditions of students in Pernambuco’s public high schools. In other words, most high school students were denied the educational rights outlined in Article 53 of the Child and Adolescent Statute (Brasil, 1990) or even basic survival rights, in addition to the precarization of teaching work.

With the aim of making a positive impact on Ginásio Pernambucano—the pilot school for the full-time education model—a rigorous selection process was observed for both professionals and students (Araújo, 2020), establishing a competitive process for “[...] filling vacancies for the teaching staff [...] and the student body” (Pernambuco, 2004, p. 3). This sought to associate the school’s name with the revival of quality public education. Opinion CEE/PE 03/2004-CLN records the objective of the agreement between the Government of Pernambuco and ICE as follows:

[...] the conception, planning, and joint execution of actions aimed at improving the provision and quality of public high school education in the State of Pernambuco, ensuring the effectiveness of this State duty within the public network through the allocation of technical, financial, and material resources—both public and private—combined with community actions, in accordance with the principles established in the Constitution of the Republic and in specific laws

(Pernambuco, 2004, p. 8)

In a subsequent phase, PROCENTRO and ICE opted to expand the implementation of the new Full-Time Education Program model to 13 more schools, creating an exclusive network of high-performance public high schools known as Centros de Educação Experimental (CEEs) [Experimental Education Centers]. This initiative highlighted a clear disparity within the state’s education system, as students enrolled in these centers demonstrated significantly higher performance compared to those in the conventional public education system, which became known as regular education (Todos pela Educação, 2023).

From 2008 onward, the Full-Time Education Program model in Pernambuco state expanded and was formalized as the Comprehensive Education Program through Complementary Law no. 125, dated July 10, 2008, aiming at “[...] developing policies to improve the quality of education” (Pernambuco, 2008, article 1). Additionally, one of the program’s goals is to “[...] consolidate the results-based management model in the State’s Model Schools and Technical Schools, enhancing managerial tools for planning, monitoring, and evaluation” (Pernambuco, 2008, article 2, item VI), maintaining a managerial approach to school administration. It also aims to “[...] systematize and disseminate pedagogical and managerial innovations” (Pernambuco, 2008, article 2, item II). Strictly, within policy terms, comprehensive education is conceived as an extension of the school day.

Article 1. The Comprehensive Education Program is hereby established within the Executive Branch.

Sole Paragraph. The Comprehensive Education Program shall be implemented and developed on a full-time basis, in the format of 45 weekly class hours, 35 weekly class hours, or 35 weekly class hours in a double-shift system, in the Model Schools for Elementary Education, Model Schools for High School Education, Model Schools for both Elementary and High School Education, and State Technical Schools, all part of the State Public Education Network

(Pernambuco, 2008).

This regulation reflects the instrumental nature of the comprehensive education approach adopted in the state of Pernambuco, whose guidelines resonate in the micropolitical dynamics of schools. This is due to the strategy of increasing school hours and implementing results-oriented management mechanisms, which had significant immediate impacts on the state’s educational landscape, especially in large-scale assessments. The state’s public high school system was considered one of the worst among Brazil’s 27 states in the early 2000s, according to the Panorama da Educação Básica [Basic Education Overview] report by the NGO Todos pela Educação (2023). The document notes that in 2005, for instance, Pernambuco ranked 20th in the Índice de Desenvolvimento da Educação Básica (IDEB) [Basic Education Development Index], scoring 2.7, below the national average of 3.0. By 2021, however, it ranked third nationwide, with a score of 4.4, surpassing the desirable target of 3.9 for the last three years of schooling (Todos pela Educação, 2023).

The positive results have drawn attention to Pernambuco’s high schools, especially among middle-class families. On this aspect, Botler and Nascimento (2023, p. 34) highlight that the implementation of the Model High Schools and State Technical Schools,

[...] effectively led to an increased social appreciation of public schools, with a noted migration of students completing elementary education in small private schools to public high schools. This shift was justified not only by the quality of education but also by the opportunity for graduates to compete for higher education spots through quota policies.

Thus, it is evident that the strong performance in large-scale assessments has given public schools a competitive edge, making them more attractive than small local private schools, whether in urban peripheries or rural towns. In this regard, it is noteworthy that “[...] students from part-time schools have a 46% chance of entering higher education, while for graduates of full-time schools, this probability rises to 63%” (Oliveira, 2019).

We highlight that, beyond facilitating students’ access to higher education, full-time schools incorporate into their curriculum a set of social practices and discourses focused on economic and cognitive development, embedded in the dual concept of protagonism and entrepreneurship. Thus, we emphasize that the approach, grounded in a market-driven logic, introduces concepts such as entrepreneurship, life project, and youth protagonism to achieve progressive targets and results in large-scale assessments designed by education policies, but whose positive outcomes also present contradictions and simultaneously reveal issues that perpetuate marginalization within the school environment, which we will address next.

Comprehensive Education Policy and Marginalization in Pernambuco’s High Schools

We relate the (re)organization of education policies to the funding enabled by the implementation of the Fundo de Manutenção da Educação Básica e Valorização dos Profissionais da Educação (FUNDEB) [Fund for the Maintenance of Basic Education and the Valorization of Education Professionals] in 2009, which created conditions to ensure extended school hours in public schools. That is, to effectively meet the demands established in the current National Education Plan, with emphasis on its outlined goals, especially Goal 6, which concerns the provision of “full-time education in at least 50% of public schools, serving at least 25% of basic education students” (Brasil, 2014).

The local goal of the Pernambuco’s Plano Estadual de Educação (PEE) [State Education Plan] 2015-2025 had already initiated actions to implement and develop full-time or semi-full-time education in the Model High Schools of the state public school network, aiming in its Goal 6 to provide “[...] full-time education in at least 38.4% of public schools, serving at least 51.5% of basic education students” (Pernambuco, 2015, n. p.).

However, the improvements in education promoted by this policy do not guarantee full access to the right to education. Despite the success of those who gain admission—evidenced by low dropout rates and high performance—this educational policy still faces significant challenges. One example is the considerable number of young people aged 15 to 19 who were not enrolled, totaling over 261,000 in Pernambuco in 2021. In this context, only 66% of 19-year-olds had completed high school in 2022, ranking 12th nationwide. Furthermore, in 2019, only 38.2% of Pernambuco’s high school graduates had adequate proficiency in Portuguese, and just 10.6% in Mathematics (Araújo, 2023).

Thus, we estimate that Pernambuco’s education policy, according to Saviani’s (2018) categorization, still exhibits strong signs of marginalization. The factors driving this marginalization remain linked to socioeconomic conditions and the way the state implements the policy, which pressures schools to recreate exclusion mechanisms within their own structures. Empirical research data (Botler; Nascimento, 2023) indicate that many students in this age group need to work to help support their families or maintain rural livelihoods, dedicating at least part of their day to these activities. This group, predominantly composed of Black and male individuals, represents the most socially and economically vulnerable segment of the population.

After the coup in 2016, when the National Congress, without evidence of crimes against public administration, orchestrated the impeachment of President Dilma Rousseff and installed the then Vice President Michel Temer as head of the Federal Government, the living conditions of the poorest populations worsened by neglecting access to fundamental rights such as social protection, healthcare, and social security. This event led to an economic austerity policy, compromising the survival of the most impoverished population, with its impacts also felt in the guarantee of educational rights, further amplifying marginalization.

One of the most significant actions was the approval, by a large majority in the National Congress, of Constitutional Amendment no. 95, which freezes social policy spending for the next 20 years. Public funds have been redirected from social areas to pay interest on public debt, benefiting banks and private companies. These measures had already been weakening the economy, further increasing unemployment and widening the deep gap between the rich and the poor in Brazilian society, a situation that tended to worsen with the restrictions imposed by the pandemic

(Oliveira; Pereira Junior, 2020, p. 772).

This comprehensive education policy disregards these factors and is based on a school model still geared toward the elite. Moreover, the infrastructure of school units is inadequate to support full-time education, especially in small rural municipalities with only one high school, making the Model High Schools a privileged ground for meritocracy.

Due to these factors, there are reports of structural issues, such as a lack of vacancies to accommodate all students who wish to enroll, as the number of available spots had to be cut in half, due to the extended school hours, which occupy classrooms, laboratories, and equipment in both shifts. As a consequence, these schools are forced to establish inclusion and exclusion criteria that are not always based on justice and equity. Additionally, there is a frequent compulsory transfer of students to the regular night shift or the Educação de Jovens e Adultos (EJA) [Youth and Adult Education] program, particularly those with a history of grade repetition or those outside the expected age range (Botler; Nascimento, 2023). This relocation often leads to a double process of exclusion for these students, either because they are considered undeserving or because the regular night shift is where most educational neglect is concentrated.

Therefore, those marginalized from the comprehensive education system are those prevented from entering and/or remaining in it due to the very neoliberal policy, which fails to create inclusion strategies.

Effects of Education Policy in School Practice: The Model High Schools and Marginality

The neoliberal paradigm has shaped the conception of the Model High Schools since their inception when the government of Pernambuco delegated the management of education policy to a corporate group. This initial approach expanded with the implementation of full-time schools across the state, later influencing other federal units and evolving into the central framework of what is now known as the New High School.

The Ginásio Pernambucano was the starting point of the Causa da Juventude, introducing an innovative educational model called Escola da Escolha, which focuses on young people and the construction of their Life Project. After the development of this model and the consolidation of the public policy in Pernambuco, the ICE began its expansion in collaboration with state and municipal Departments of Education across Brazil’s five regions

(ICE Brasil, s. d.).

Based on the premise of improving the quality of public basic education (ICE Brasil, s. d.), this Institute laid the foundations for an education aligned with market ideals, in which knowledge and skills are developed through active methodologies, combined with governance practices and social control under the framework of so-called Student Protagonism. It is not surprising, for example, that the Comprehensive Education Program is based on what is commonly referred to as New Public Management.

In Pernambuco, beyond the establishment of a results-oriented management model and the refinement of managerial tools for planning, monitoring, and evaluation, the Comprehensive Education Program implemented an initiative aimed at introducing a “Youth Protagonism project in schools” (Pernambuco, 2008), characterized as a space for student participation in school micropolitics. However, the central discourse surrounding the topic has become associated with the notion that adolescents are primarily responsible for their own success or failure, while simultaneously absolving the state of its duty to implement essential social policies necessary for the full development of these individuals. As defined by the ICE (2018, p. 8, emphasis added):

The most fundamental way to take charge of one’s life is to develop the attitude of engaging with the world as part of the solution to existing problems, whether they are near or far, it doesn’t matter. What matters here is “caring about” the things that happen and require solutions. A protagonist believes they can be part of the solutions, which does not mean they will have the answers to everything, of course. But a protagonist commits and stops saying, “Oh, but no one is solving this?” and starts saying,”Oh, I can contribute to solving this!”.

In this context, political-pedagogical practices are based on the goal of preparing students for the labor market, operating under the assumption that investments in education can enhance individuals’ skills and abilities, making them more productive and economically efficient. To achieve this, it is essential to:

[...] acquire knowledge from various organized systems, that is, the different fields of human knowledge structured within the curriculum. Moreover, as a prerequisite, it is necessary to master the basic tools of reading, writing, mathematics, and logical reasoning, which enable the development of comprehension skills

(Magalhães, 2008, p. 49).

The author, one of the business leaders who structured Pernambuco’s full-time education policy, argues that the concept of protagonism is intrinsically linked to neoliberal principles, which maintain that investments in education should equip individuals to become more productive. Under this approach, by implementing such “improvements” on a broad scale, a significant positive impact on national economic growth rates can be observed.

Thus, the introduction of a market-driven and results-oriented approach as a strategy has imposed considerable pressure on the Model High Schools, as they are required to produce progressively positive results. Subjected to this pressure, schools often adopt harmful practices toward both students and teachers, demanding unattainable progress, performance/proficiency, and retention rates due to inadequate school infrastructure, socioeconomic factors, and emotional challenges.

Consequently, in striving to meet the results demanded by the state government, the conception of the Model High Schools distorts the role of the institution as an agent of holistic education, which includes fostering active citizenship—one of the pillars of education (Brasil, 1988, 1990, 1996). Schools are compelled to develop strategies for success that, at the same time, trigger exclusionary processes, intensifying intra-school marginalization. From this perspective, we derive new theories of marginality, which serve as the foundation for the conclusions presented in this research.

Considering the limitations outlined in this article, we do not present data collected from research participants here. However, the inferences constructed led to insights and the characterization of exclusion processes in high school within the Model High Schools, categorizing the general aspects of marginalization.

Thus, in the first group, we place those who are outside the educational system structured as a Model High School. From this initial group, we highlight that marginalization (exclusion), in its primary manifestation, is directly related to the denial of individuals’ rights to access and remain in formal education (Botler; Nascimento, 2023)—a duty that should be guaranteed by the state (Nascimento, 2020). The second form of exclusion arises from the phenomenon known as discouragement (self-exclusion), in which both students and their families find no reason to continue in the education system. This can result from psychosocial factors, health issues, or disillusionment, as well as macroeconomic conditions that require students to contribute to family income, even though access to higher education does not necessarily lead to increased income (Botler; Nascimento, 2023).

However, some students manage to enter the Model High School system but are unable to stay, as they are excluded (marginalized) throughout their studies. These students form a third group, whose movements within the school’s micropolitical arena were revealed in our research as both producing and reinforcing inequalities and marginalization. These dynamics emerged consistently from the very first interactions with school administrators, as they characterized their institutions, but were also present in the voices of teachers and students, sometimes as an expression of self-satisfaction for having reached a position of success, sometimes as exhaustion from the arduous effort required to maintain that position.

The intra-school exclusion movements—meaning those generated by the school itself—were classified in our research data as follows: the first category pertains to the denial of rights, termed active exclusion, which primarily affects the most vulnerable students, such as young workers, students with disabilities, teenage mothers, juvenile offenders, those considered undisciplined or outside the expected age range, as well as transgender and transvestite students. The second category, collateral exclusion, results from a highly competitive school environment—both among students and among schools—leading to self-exclusion. Finally, the third category addresses the hostile and exclusionary professional environment for teachers, due to pressures and expectations for results, the excessive number of curricular components and mandatory content, creating overwhelming pressure on both students and teachers, ultimately leading to illness and school abandonment by both groups.

To better understand each category, we will next discuss them separately. However, we emphasize that these forms of exclusion occur simultaneously and interactively, becoming embedded as part of the school’s culture. Consequently, they are informally established as norms, guidelines, and mechanisms of social control aimed at achieving high academic performance.

Active Exclusion in the school environment

The intra-school context that fosters marginalization, which we refer to as active exclusion, is characterized by its systematic and intentional occurrence within the institution itself. It is strategically designed by school administrators and teachers in response to government policies that reward¹ education professionals based on positive results in large-scale assessments, as well as other related initiatives.

The observed schools adopt behaviors that promote the exclusion of students who do not conform to the standards set by and for the institution, as they prioritize academic performance above all else. Additionally, they operate under pressure from the State, which seeks to use these educational networks to promote its full-time school policy while reinforcing the neoliberal framework that expects Model High Schools to deliver quantifiable returns on investment. At the same time, these institutions are expected to legitimize the supposed quality of education, as measured by standardized educational indicators.

Internally, Model High Schools face coercion from within their own ranks, as teachers and administrators strive to secure the Educational Performance Bonus while avoiding penalties associated with accountability policies. In other words, they seek to avoid being labeled inefficient and held responsible for poor performance, as these strategies “[…] make public the information about the work of schools and consider administrators and other members of the school team as co-responsible for the level of performance achieved by the institution” (Brooke, 2006, p. 378).

Thus, meeting or exceeding the performance targets set by the State often comes at the expense of exclusionary practices within the school environment. Students who are perceived as obstacles to achieving these benchmarks are deliberately sidelined, becoming undesirable in the school setting. This dynamic significantly impacts the most vulnerable groups, including students with disabilities, pregnant adolescents, and those labeled as offenders or undisciplined. These individuals are stigmatized as contributing to poor educational outcomes and are often pushed out of the full-time school model. In addition to these groups, working adolescents tend to self-exclude due to the incompatibility of remaining in school for extended hours or their low academic performance caused by working night shifts.

Other marginalized individuals—those whose bodies and identities diverge from the expected norms, particularly in terms of gender identity and female students—also experience exclusion in this complex process. In the first scenario, motherhood and the responsibilities of childcare make it difficult for young mothers to regularly attend a comprehensive education program. These students are often transferred, as soon as possible, to regular high schools or nighttime programs.

Furthermore, gender identity plays a significant role in this context, as students who express their sexuality differently or who do not conform to traditional gender norms also face barriers to remaining in comprehensive education programs. Stigmatized and frequently subjected to discrimination, these students struggle to find acceptance and respect within the school environment, which severely compromises their access to comprehensive and inclusive education.

This issue has been denounced by various social organizations (Antra, 2020; Acontece; Antra; ABGLT, 2022) and has been documented in academic research (Junqueira, 2012; Lima, 2020). Studies have linked these exclusionary practices to violence, prejudice, and discrimination against transgender and transvestite individuals, ultimately resulting in the denial of their right to education.

Collateral Exclusion in the school environment

The results-driven management model in education exerts significant pressure on both students and educators, fostering a relentless pursuit of high performance and continuous improvement in cognitive assessments. This constant demand has led to an increase in mental health issues, particularly stress, anxiety, and depression. Beyond the direct impact on emotional well-being, a clear collateral effect of this model is discouragement, in which students facing precarious competition conditions neither invest in nor foresee meaningful academic progress.

Discouragement arises from the perception that the established goals are unattainable or from a lack of motivation to envision a life project. This leads students to drop out, as they feel incapable of competing under the terms imposed by the results-driven management paradigm, which emphasizes a standard of success that is out of reach and masked under the rhetoric of meritocracy.

This pressure extends even to the more privileged social classes, typically enrolled in private institutions or top-tier public schools. In this context, students face marginalization due to excessive coursework and assessments, coupled with the relentless expectation of high performance according to predetermined roles. The perpetuation of this high-pressure academic environment not only compromises students’ mental health but also undermines the quality of the educational process. This calls for reflection on the relentless pursuit of success standards that are often disconnected from reality and student well-being. It is no coincidence that the number of adolescents and young people engaging in self-harm and suicide has been increasing worldwide.

According to the World Health Organization (WHO), suicide is considered a public health issue due to the rising number of individuals attempting to take their own lives. In Brazil, the increase in reported cases of suicide and self-harm among young people is particularly concerning. Alves et al. (2024) conducted research on the growing trends of self-mutilation in Brazil from 2011 to 2022, revealing that youth suicide rates increased by an annual average of 6% during this period. Reports of self-harm among individuals aged 10 to 24 increased by 29% each year over the same timeframe. In both cases, the rise in notifications among young people exceeded that observed in the general population (Alves et al., 2024).

Additionally, a United Nations (2016) publication highlights that 75% of suicides occur in middle- and low-income countries, suggesting a correlation between suicide rates and social inequalities.

For lower-income communities, the pressure to succeed is reinforced by narratives centered on prominent figures or economic models that attribute individual responsibility to the entrepreneurial self, disregarding local circumstances, personal abilities, and specific conditions necessary for development (Dowbor, 2020; Laval, 2019).

Both scenarios—affecting students from diverse socioeconomic backgrounds—highlight the simultaneous presence of elements that characterize an oppressive education system, in which students become vulnerable to various forms of marginalization. In this context, the report “Students’ Well-Being: PISA 2015 Results”, published by the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development — OECD (2017), analyzed over half a million students in 72 countries and found that 56% of Brazilian students experience stress while studying. Furthermore, Brazil ranked second in anxiety levels, affecting 80.8% of the surveyed students.

Other indicators also reveal discouragement in the educational landscape. In 2020, for instance, a survey conducted by Instituto de Pesquisas Datafolha (2022) in partnership with educational foundations found that 46% of parents of elementary and high school students reported that their children or dependents lacked motivation for their studies.

A Hostile and exclusionary environment

The implementation of full-time schools in Pernambuco has had significant repercussions on teachers’ lives. With the participation of the private sector in the public education system, a selective hiring process was introduced for educators working in these schools, effectively excluding other professionals. The selection policy was synchronized with the rollout of full-time schools, favoring teachers who became part of these institutions, which, in turn, were showcased as model schools due to their better working conditions and superior teaching performance.

This selection process aimed to align with government and corporate interests in improving education quality and establishing a model to be followed by other schools within the state network. However, to achieve the desired results, the Pernambuco government adopted an accountability policy, emphasizing quality as measured by student performance indicators. This approach led to the implementation of school interventions, compulsory transfers, and coercion of teachers as mechanisms to ensure improved outcomes (Silva; Silva, 2019).

As a result, the constant demand for better performance on external assessments, the encouragement of competition among teachers and schools, the threat of penalties, and social expectations—combined with bureaucratic and infrastructural challenges—have intensified teaching conditions, leading to isolation and self-criticism, which can cause distress and professional burnout. It is important to recognize the media impact that glorifies these interventions, making them highly visible and amplifying the value of the results achieved under this new management model. This can generate frustration among those who fail to gain recognition.

Based on Mendes’ (2015) analysis, it is possible to establish a link between teacher burnout and the educational assessment methods implemented by the government. Examining the number of medical leaves and certificates among teachers in Recife’s municipal education network, the author concluded that the demands imposed by the neoliberal paradigm have led to high levels of stress and illness among educators. On the one hand, these effects contribute to a decline in both student performance and education quality. On the other hand, it is worth noting the underreporting of such cases in Pernambuco’s state network, as absences due to “[...] illness, pregnancy, study, or participation in strike activities” (Silva; Silva, 2019, p. 194) lead to penalties such as dismissal from the Comprehensive Education Program, reassignment to a regular school, and loss of bonuses.

Under these conditions, studies by Mendes (2015), Dalcin and Carlotto (2018), and Simões and Cardoso (2022), along with our own research (Botler; Nascimento, 2023), point to a state of constant tension, surveillance, and apprehension in basic education schools, resulting in burnout and other syndromes. Furthermore, many individuals perceive school administrators as enforcers of state surveillance, creating a persecutory and hostile school environment.

Given these findings, it becomes evident that the paths leading to marginalization unfold simultaneously, producing both tangible (practical) and subjective (emotional) effects. From this perspective, both students and teachers are deeply affected by the causal impacts of the comprehensive education policy, which we classify as new forms of educational marginalization, particularly in high school settings.

It is important to acknowledge that the implementation of the comprehensive education policy in Pernambuco has achieved significant advances, deserving recognition—especially in aspects related to promoting educational rights. In other words, comprehensive education policies play a fundamental role in providing students within the school system with a safer environment, protecting them from various forms of violence and human rights violations, such as domestic abuse, drug trafficking, child labor exploitation, and even homicide.

During visits to the schools studied, we observed the availability of quality meals, access to laboratories and libraries—albeit limited or restricted—and initiatives led by administrators and teachers aimed at strengthening a particular model of citizenship, even if confined to the local culture. Thus, the configuration of local micropolitics, reflecting both school culture and certain community ideological foundations, mirrors diverse conceptions of democracy and participation. It is also worth highlighting that these schools encourage a vision of future professional advancement for their graduates, whether through entry into higher education or the job market, reinforcing the idea of social mobility (Caldeira; Alves, 2021).

But what alternatives could be proposed to introduce a new logic, one that allows marginalized individuals to shape their own paths toward inclusion within this policy? Following this line of thought, and drawing inspiration from Saviani’s studies as a guiding principle of this investigation, we must still ask: At what point must the stick bend?

Of Citizenship and Education Rights: Intersections for the Bending of the Stick

Saviani employs Lenin’s metaphor of the stick bending, drawn from its extremism, to illustrate the direction in which a policy must move to avoid fostering marginalization: “When the stick is bent, it curves to one side, and if you want to straighten it, it is not enough to simply place it in the correct position. You must bend it in the opposite direction” (Saviani, 2018, p. 89).

This metaphor helps us reflect on contemporary forms of marginalization, suggesting that bending the stick in the opposite direction may allow for new perspectives on the consequences of school democratization in relation to social democracy. In this sense, we return to the foundational principles of education as established in the national regulatory frameworks.

From the perspective of education rights, schooling must be structured with particular care to ensure the realization of citizenship (Brasil, 1988, 1990, 1996). As a universal right, education aims at the full development of individuals, preparation for the exercise of citizenship, and qualification for the workforce. However, the latter has been more valued by current education policies, to the detriment of the others, especially the Comprehensive Education Program of Pernambuco which, in its creation and purpose, excludes citizenship as its purpose.

Article 1. The Comprehensive Education Program is hereby established within the Executive Branch, with the objective of developing policies aimed at improving the quality of primary and secondary education and enhancing the professional qualification of students in the public education network of the State of Pernambuco (Pernambuco, 2008, emphasis added).

Preparing students for citizenship, however, requires State responsibility and a commitment to ensuring basic social rights that support student retention in schools. According to Carvalho’s (2018) definition, citizenship is based on the presumption of coexistence and the enjoyment of civil, political, and social rights within a society. Like other scholars (Botler; Nascimento, 2023; Cury, 2002; Nascimento, 2020), Carvalho (2018) argues that education serves as the gateway to citizenship. Moreover, the educational process itself is where these rights are both enmeshed and realized—integratively and interdependently. Saviani (2018) assigns schools the role of promoting individuals into citizenship beyond formal aspects, emphasizing education as a vehicle for social transformation and democracy.

Under these conditions, education serves the purpose of “[...] structuring and systematizing human-environment relations to create optimal conditions for the development of new generations [...]. Therefore, [...] its purpose is man himself, that is, his promotion” (Saviani, 2004, p. 51). This implies enabling learners to develop a critical and historical understanding of reality, allowing them to know/recognize their position in society and actively engage in shaping it.

From another perspective, children and adolescents must be able to exercise their political organizational capacity within schools through student unions or other legitimately established means (civil rights) (Brasil, 1990). They must also have the right to participate in the school’s organic life and management—such as contributing to the development of the Pedagogical Project and participating in school councils (political rights) (Brasil, 1990, 1996). Additionally, they should benefit from access to education and other basic rights, including social protection and healthcare (social rights) (Brasil, 1988, 1990). Therefore, universal and unrestricted access to schooling represents the initial step toward actualizing children’s and adolescents’ citizenship—their de-marginalization—empowering them to take transformative action within the world they inhabit.

Democracy, therefore, must encompass all these dimensions of rights, converging toward an education of social quality—one that is not solely dictated by large-scale assessments but also takes into account both internal and external factors, considering the full sociocultural and economic complexity of students. It must also be grounded in their holistic development and their interaction with the social and cultural resources produced by the community.

This educational framework is fundamentally anchored in the right to education, as established by the 1988 Constitution and the Statute of the Child and Adolescent. These legal frameworks define education as a set of rights that, when realized, ensure broader social inclusion—particularly for the most disadvantaged populations. As outlined in the Statute of the Child and Adolescent (Brasil, 1990, n. p.), all children and adolescents must be guaranteed:

Article 53 […] I - equal conditions for access to and retention in school; II - the right to be respected by their educators; III - the right to contest evaluation criteria and appeal to higher school authorities; IV - the right to organize and participate in student organizations; V - access to free public schools near their residence, ensuring that siblings in the same educational stage or cycle attend the same institution.

Sole Paragraph. Parents or guardians have the right to be informed about the pedagogical process and to participate in defining educational proposals.

Both the Constitution and the Statute of the Child and Adolescent were enacted following intense popular mobilization, including active participation from children and adolescents. This strong element of civic engagement helped shape education policies at the time, aligning them with the broader framework of a welfare state. Returning to this foundation—ensuring subsistence conditions, embracing diversity, and constructing an education system based on justice and equity—remains an unfinished task. Yet, these objectives are frequently neglected by educational networks and successive education policies.

Final Considerations

The current perspective on marginalization, examined more than forty years after Saviani’s influential work, appears to be intensifying through neoliberal management strategies, which are grounded in the discourse of improving educational quality via private-sector governance mechanisms. In general, the demand for better results is not accompanied by a sufficient increase in financial, administrative, or pedagogical resources for schools, nor by structurally effective social policies.

In this context, education policy operates in a deliberately unequal manner within the high school system, turning some schools into elite institutions within the very structure of public education, making them inaccessible to a significant portion of the population. This approach exacerbates disparities within the educational system, widening gaps between institutions and, consequently, deepening the marginalization of certain social groups.

At the macro-political level, it is therefore essential to rethink education policy management methods, striving for a balance between academic excellence and the holistic development of all students. At the micro-political level, policies aimed at mitigating the effects of marginalization are often constrained by the managerial rationality imposed by the State.

With this in mind, we have presented certain theoretical constructs as a contribution to renewing discussions on the relationship between School and Democracy, particularly in a context marked by explicit tensions between opposing poles of Brazilian education policy—oscillating, on one side, between a conservative neoliberal project, and on the other, a model based on social welfare and the social quality of education, as observed from the construction of the LDB [National Education Guidelines and Framework Law] to the current high school reform.

Note

• 1
  The legislation that created the comprehensive education policy ensures the receipt of Educational Performance Bonuses (BDE) based on the performance of teaching professionals in the educational process, based on goals and conditions established annually by decree of the Executive Branch. The BDE aims to: “promote improvements in the teaching and learning process; support decisions on the implementation of educational policies aimed at improving the quality, equity and efficiency of teaching and learning; strengthen the policy of valuing and remunerating education professionals, aiming primarily at improving the quality of education provided in State School Units” (Pernambuco, 2008, n. p.).

Data Availability Statement

All dataset were generated or analyzed in the current study.

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• Section Editor:
  Celso João Ferretti https://orcid.org/0000-0001-6444-5250

Publication Dates

• Publication in this collection
  31 Mar 2025
• Date of issue
  2025

History

• Received
  24 Apr 2024
• Accepted
  03 Mar 2025