ABSTRACT
The objective of this study is to identify what actions express the protagonism of international bodies in Brazilian educational management published in media documents, aiming to meet the demands of Pisa results. What followed was the search for the answer to the following question: What are the actions that emphasized the protagonism of international organizations in Brazilian educational management, guided by the results of Pisa editions and disseminated through media vehicles? The thesis of this research is to show that the documents published in the media are responsible for emphasizing the protagonism of international organizations in educational management as for the production and publishing of educational policies guided by the results of Pisa editions. This is a quali-quantitative research, having a bibliographic and documental basic nature, based on the methodological outline of pluralism. The methodological procedures were established by the analysis of documents published in the media, which represented the object of this study. Through the categorization of the documental analysis of media documents, that is comprised of national reports of Pisa and journalistic textual genres, the delimitation of conceptual units listed from the reading of the documents related. The documental analysis allowed to locate 57 actions of the national educational management, between the decade of 1990 and the year of 2001.
Keywords:
Protagonism; Pisa; Assessment; Educational Management; Media Documents
RESUMO
O artigo tem o objetivo de identificar quais são as ações que expressam o protagonismo dos organismos internacionais na gestão educacional brasileira divulgado em documentos midiáticos visando atender as demandas dos resultados do Pisa. A pesquisa transcorreu motivada por responder a seguinte questão: Quais são as ações que evidenciam o protagonismo dos organismos internacionais na gestão educacional brasileira, norteado pelos resultados das edições do Pisa e divulgado através dos veículos midiáticos? A tese da pesquisa defendeu que os documentos divulgados nos meios midiáticos se encarregam por evidenciar o protagonismo das organizações internacionais na gestão educacional quanto à produção e disseminação de políticas educacionais guiadas pelos resultados das edições do Pisa. A pesquisa teve a abordagem qualiquantitativa, de cunho bibliográfico e documental e se constituiu por uma natureza básica, pautada no delineamento metodológico do pluralismo. Os procedimentos metodológicos se estabeleceram pela análise de documentos publicados nos meios midiáticos e que representaram o objeto de estudo. Teve na categorização da análise documental dos documentos midiáticos, composta por relatórios nacionais do Pisa e por gêneros textuais jornalísticos, a delimitação das unidades conceituais inventariadas a partir da leitura dos documentos arrolados. A análise dos documentos permitiu localizar 57 ações da gestão educacional nacional, entre a década de 1990 e o ano de 2001.
Palavras-chave:
Protagonismo; Pisa; Avaliação; Gestão Educacional; Documentos Midiáticos
Introduction
This paper is an excerpt of a doctorate dissertation whose objective is to present the research partial results in which it was studied the protagonism of international organisms, mediated by large-scale assessments of the Programa Internacional de Avaliações de Alunos (Pisa) in the Brazilian educational management. For this purpose, national media documents, related to the national reports of Pisa and journalistic textual genres categorized in papers, interviews, News and reposts, were analyzed. The following question meets the agenda: What are the actions that emphasized the protagonism of international organizations in Brazilian educational management, guided by the results of Pisa editions and disseminated through the media? In order to meet the demand of the research problem, considering decade 1990, including the documental objects published in the media related to the stages of Pisa that began in 2000 and extend, three times a year, until the assessment in the year of 2018, with documents considered until the year of 2021.
The documents collection was directed to the national education management sphere represented by the Ministry of Education (MEC), which designates guidelines for other spheres of national educational systems. The protagonism of centralized educational management, centered on the administration of the MEC and other integrated institutions, is subject to the induction of the process of circulation and transfer of educational policies, related to educational research and anchored by large-scale external evaluations. These policies are encouraged by international organisms and subject to principles of the globalized economy, as is the case of Pisa, developed by the Organization for Co-operation and Economic Development (OECD). “Educational reform practices present in globalization impose themselves as hierarchical strategies and applications of power, originating in central nations and impacting peripheral countries in different ways” (Oliveira, 2020, p. 75).
At each stage of the PISA results publication, it becomes increasingly evident that media reports highlight the prominent role of international organizations in shaping national educational policies and practices. They publicize the commitment of the educational management, at a macro level, when promoting policies that meet, with a direct or indirect correlation, the orientations determined by reports of OECD, taking into account the improvement of education quality indicators. This way, the action of central actors, extensive to other educational spheres, (re)configure the cohesion process and consensus interested in the educational quality published to several educational systems of the country.
The place of the State in the national base education management
The bureaucratic state model that existed in the 1970s, associated with the growing globalization of the economy and technological development, underwent a paradigm shift. Recognized as burdensome and unresponsive to the demands of the late 20th century, the bureaucratic government gave way to the advancement of ideas inspired by business administration and managerial architecture, following the logic of the accounting paradigm. The relation between the State and public education, triggered by the management accounting paradigm, reveals visible variables followed by changes between “public and private, between democratic citizenship and education for democracy, on the one hand, and elitist and neoliberal conceptions of democracy and new theories of human capital, on the other” (Lima, 1997, p. 49). It is important to emphasize that the central elements of the management model locate the “efficiency, costs reduction and the quality of public services provision. The focus of management administration is the consumer” (Schneider; Nardi, 2019, p. 62).
Through this path, the crisis installed in the functioning and organization of the State demanded the emergence of the reform submitted and implied by the modernization of administration, in accordance with the “reinvention of government, administrative action oriented towards results, new public management” (Afonso, 2001a, p. 24 - author’s emphasis). The regulating function attributed to the nation-state, exceeded the commitment of mere producer of goods and services in order to transform itself into a market process regulator. This function, which is conjugated by a set of designations intended to consolidate the various forms of State action and can be identified as a reflexive State, an active State, an articulating State, a supervisory State, an evaluating State, a competing State (Afonso, 2001a).
The evaluating State is disseminated in the administration of centralized control of education, through school curricula, school management, the work of teachers, the evaluation for the purpose of standardized publicization of results and mediated by neoliberal market strategies, proving the (in)efficiency of the public administration’s educational policies. “Education started to be seen as a service, not as a right, and the school as an organization, not as an institution” (Santana, 2018, p. 39). The assessment, as the most important element of education control, and also, that obtained centrality from 1980, favored the structuring of public policies for the education of the State as regulator. In contrast, the logic of the competition State contributes with the implementation of the market that legitimates, internally and externally, the political of the State.
With regard to the competencies defined for education, the evaluative State exceeds the traditional centered bureaucratic regulation and moves towards the form of hybrid regulation that combines the control of the State with strategies of autonomy and self-regulation of educational institutions. The presence of the evaluative State, at basic educational levels, promotes the expressive competitive ethos responsible for the implementation of pressures onto schools and, according to Afonso (2001a, p. 26), on the levels of
[...] (fundamental and high school in Brazil) through external evaluation (national examinations, examinations checked and standardized and strategies for more regular presence by agents of Education General Inspection while central body of the Ministry of Education), and through the predominance of an instrumental and mercantil rationality that tends to overrate quantifiable and measurable academic indicators without taking into account the specificities of educational contexts and processes.
The neoliberal dimension integrates public educational heritage into a set of free supply and demands goods (marketable), in which the State break the responsibility towards the education democratic commitment as a universal right. In this regard, the “State has not withdrawn nor resigned from the direction power and control onto the educational system”, but it perseveres in its coercive power and in its role of social regulator, promoting “its own retraction as State and favor market expansion” (Afonso, 2007, p. 15).
Neoliberal policies have the objective of promoting the market system adapted to the administrative structure of the State, press the competitive action, transform individuals into customers, privatize and submit social services to the effectiveness and efficiency dynamics. It identifies the quasi-markets through the hybrid profile of new forms of financing, supply and regulation, but that does not necessarily mean a decrease in its power of intervention. “They are a type of ex libris of caráter híbrido public/private hybrid character, state/market [...] of neoliberal expansion” (Afonso, 2001b, p. 37 - author’s emphasis).
Quasi-markets are markets that alter the “State suppliers’ monopoly by a diversity of independent and competitive suppliers; they are quasi because they differ from conventional markets” (Afonso, 1999, p. 143 - author’s emphasis). Therefore, the Market in education (which is not the perfect competition classic market) is meticulously regulated and controlled by the State, before the introduction of curricula, evaluations intended for publishing of results which determine the pressures by internal competition of the educational system. Before this context, the actions of the State are redefined to implement measures that aim “decentralization of responsibilities related to implementation and subsequent evaluation of actions and local and institutional decisions” (Afonso, 2007, p.16).
Otherwise, the action of the articulator-State “easily allows it decentralize the social pressure related to the rights to a variety of new non-state collective actors [...], being led to assume themselves as partners, they assume [...] important share of responsibilities in the achievement of public objectives” by the State’s responsibility (Afonso, 2001b, p. 39 - author’s emphasis). Then, partnerships collaborate in the elaboration and implementation of public policies for education, and that alter the conception of government to the conception of governance.
Afonso (2001a, p. 24) adds to this itinerary, that the international institutions indicate reforms for the “state in its social control and political-administrative functions apparatus, or that induce [...] the so-called modernizing measures that lead the State to assume [...] a function of mediation and suitability to priorities externally defined”. This way, making it responsible for the accomplishment of agendas which guide global hegemony of capital transnationalization and identified with global governance. Global governance disciplines and reinforces “globalized and hegemonic practices of educational provision which raise questions of legitimacy and authority [...] of accountability [...] and power” (Schultz, 2012. p. 35).
Before this globalizing context, the existence of interventions in nations must be recognized, more or less vigorously, by supranational organization and regulation agencies (Non-governmental Organizations-NGOs, Mercosul, World Trade Organization-WTO, World Bank, OECD, International Monetary Fund-IMF, United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization, having as consequences the publishing of political orientations. Technical and financing cooperation of the World Bank achieved with Brazil, dating back to the 1970s, in which determined political performances and orientations via finance loans. In the 1990s, when neoliberal conjuncture gains momentum in Brazil, the strategic role of the World Bank intensifies the influence on educational policies.
In the Brazilian educational scenario, the orientations of OECD occur continuously for more than 20 years and have permeated different governments carrying out the educational communication with the National Institute of Educational Studies and Research Anísio Teixeira -INEP. Since the 1990s, Brazil became an OCDE punctual partner, and in 2007 the Ministerial Council of the organization created a “resolution, strengthening the cooperation with Brazil and other Key-Partners” (Oliveira, 2020, p. 76). “Brazil is considered an OECD strategic partner [...] and it made an agreement with the organization, in 2015, an agreement of cooperation, whose interest was in further deepening this partnership” (Hipólito; Jorge, 2020, p. 17). Otherwise, Silva (2012, p. 93) emphasizes that the set of international entities
[...] act in a supranational circuit, they are at the service of capital and markets, capture statistical data, establish a pattern of universal for compulsory education. They press and demand from governments the adoption of instruments of large-scale evaluation, under international patterns like the International Program of Students’ Evaluation - PISA.
In Brazil, the process of modernization was carried out in the 1990s when changes, in the form of organization and management of the State, hitherto demarcated by prominent patrimonialism, subjected to modernization of a managerial State, supporting of the globalization process and immersed in “premises of economic liberalization, financial deregulation, alterations [...] in social and labor security and, [...] intensification of privatization processes of public sphere [...]” (Dourado, 2011, p. 25). In turn, the educational reform movement began with the diagnosis produced by the World Bank and by the International Monetary Fund (IMF) that pointed a “crisis of efficiency, effectiveness and productivity of the educational system, motivated by the inability of the intervening State to manage educational policies” (Carvalho, 2009, p. 37).
The educational reform process which began after the promulgação of the Federal Constitution of 1988 and it was materialized in the Constitutional Amendment nº 19/1998, incorporated the democratic aspiration of expanding social rights, but it has experienced a sudden shift in favor of the reforms led by the objective of the State modernization, in line with structural adjustments that changed the relation with civil society. “These reforms introduced changes in the financing dynamics of public and social policies, involving the private sector even more in public management” (Oliveira, 2020, p. 86).
Managerial reformista determinations brought the legal regulator safeguard for national educational evaluation standardized in art. 9º, item VI, of LDB nº 9.394 of 1996 (Brasil, 1996). The document attributes to the Union “guaranteeing the national process of school performance evaluation in the fundamental, high and superior school, in collaboration with educational, with the objective of defining priorities and the improvement of the educational quality”. In this regard, school, education and learning are taken as “objectionable, quantifiable and measurable elements, via evaluative processes, validated, reliable and trustworthy, trying to blur imperfections and subjectivities” (Lima, 1997, p. 55-56).
LDB became the instrument destined to redefine aspects established in the Brazilian Constitution of 1988, restructuring the responsibilities and duties, of the State, the Market and the Society with regards to education. It is important to emphasize that this legal elements “fit into a succession of state and municipal policies, whose inspiration is neoliberal, that emphasize the trinomial: productivity, efficiency and total quality” (Dourado, 2008, p. 30). However, it is easy to understand the reason why the external and large-scale school evaluation occupies the highest position in the managerial control status of the regulating State, which was granted as scale loyalty statute and the certification of the national basic education quailty seal.
The attachment between Pisa (OECD) in the management of national education policies
Among national policies, the set of external evaluations is what obtained greater meaning in the consolidation of educational reforms. The “large-scale evaluation in Brazil develops in a world panoramic framework for dissemination of such mechanisms, a contamination provided by organisms and international projects” (Werle, 2010, p. 26), of which, the OECD makes part together with Pisa . This external and triennial evaluation, organized by OECD, it was included into national systems of education, intensifying its protagonism in the countries policies planning process.
The international organisms prerogatives (Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean-CEPAL, World Bank, Unesco, Organization of Ibero-American States-OEI and OECD) convince national governments to adopt actions aiming at obtaining indicators, incorporating quality certification, internationally intended. In that regard, Hipólito and Jorge (2020, p. 16) observe that UNESCO played a central role in determining
[...] educational policies in Latin America during 1960s to 1980s, [...] replaced by the growing influence of the World Bank in the late 1980s and throughout the 1990s. currently, the growing participation of [...] OECD, through the PISA test [...] shows how the influences brought by international organisms are at service of producing a common space, both in the sense of comparability and competition, and in the sense of integration and convergence to a international scale project.
The international inclusion of OECD, “through different instruments, places into circulation that interfere in the form educational systems are conducted around the world, from its pragmatic character, providing data and indicators that allow comparisons and classifications” (Oliveira, 2020, p. 19). “Globalization and the policies of international networks see the authority dispersed beyond the Nation-State or local Community in the educational field, it is observed the great external authority through global control initiatives [...]” (Schultz, 2012, p. 27) influenced by evaluations. It represents the opportunity for “the State to obtain detailed information about the educational system, to carry out intra and intercountries comparisons and make school administrators and employees co-responsible for the results produced” (Schneider; Nardi, 2019, p. 74).
In Brazil, the early decades of the XXI century, increase the affinity of educational policies with “orientations and trends on an international or even Latin-american scale, converging [...] towards consolidation of an evaluation national system, with examinations external to school [...] of the managerial-inspiration accountability model [...]” (Schneider; Nardi, 2019, p. 89). The media utilizes the external evaluations results (national and international), being responsible for producing narratives that when brought to public knowledge, they lead to recurring necessity for reforms when highlighting educational existing chaos, or contrasting good performance public schools with private schools and publishing school success chaos, educational networks and systems (Freitas, 2018).
The “school performance evaluation is a complex field of knowledge” which is present in extensive theoretical debates, composing the national education history (Gatti, 2014, p. 11). As a result, the implementation of the National Assessment System for Basic Education-SAEB, in the early 1990s, was encouraged by 13 years old-students’ participation (from Fortaleza and São Paulo capitals) in the second Evaluation International Program of Educational Proficiency (current Pisa), which welcomed 27 countries at the time. “Inferentially, based on the 2012 results [...] we verified that our performance situation has not changed after 22 years from the first international evaluation” (Gatti, 2014, p. 18) and, whose indicators persist negatively, in the subsequent editions as well.
The evaluation system formalized in SAEB and IDEB, when in line with each other, reveal the Brazilian State regulation ability. Evaluation in basic education is subject to Law nº 13.005/2014, which approved the National Plan for Education -PNE 2014/2024 which predicts, in its Goal 7, funding to “basic education quality in all stages and modalities, with the improvement in school flow and learning in order to reach [...] national averages for Ideb” until the year of 2021 (Brasil, 2014). The same Goal to forward, in strategy 7.11, orientation to “improve the basic education students’ performance in learning evaluations in [...] PISA, taken as an external reference instrument, internationally recognized” and according to projections carried out until 2021. Pisa was incorporated in the PNE policy mediated by actors, ideas, theories, technologies and cultural principles that stimulate educational spaces in Brazil. Such prescriptions place national systems of basic education under the obligation of being in line with the evaluating State, what interferes directly with the school management.
On the other hand, Resolution CNE/CP nº 2-2017 determines the mandatory character for the new National Curricular Common base-BNCC, in order to promote the alignment between educational policies, however, without indicating space for the speech of educational actors. The BNCC regulations approaches the focus on competences and abilities formation for school curriculum for the necessary use in the inclusion of international examinations carried out by OECD “which coordinates the International Program of Students Evaluation (Pisa) and [...] (UNESCO [...]) which established the Latin-american Education Quality Laboratory for Latin America [...]” (Brasil, 2017, p. 13). Before, BNCC adopts the focus of pedagogical decisions aimed at developing competences indicating that students
[...] must ‘know’ [...] knowledge constitution of knowledge, abilities, attitudes and values and [...] what they must ‘learn how to do’ [...] a mobilize these knowledge, abilities, attitudes and values to solve eevery day life complex demands, from the full exercise of citizenship and the world of work [...] (Brasil, 2017, p. 13).
The BNCC guidelines assess a certain degree of normative standadization between the spheres of national education, from prioritization through curricular unification that favors the aplicability of large-scale external evaluations, just as when suggests the development of pedagogical resources and professor training aligned with principles described in the document. It intrinsically inovolves a pragmatic, utilitarian pedagogical approach, aplicable in the business and economic world suitable for the interests of Pisa. Despite not being formally part of the national evaluation system, this examination is integrated due to its consistent administration, due to its regularity, it is integrated into Brazil’s large-scale sample assessment process enabling comparisons of educational level at local, regional and international levels.
The inclusion of Pisa in Brazil’s National Curricular Parameters (PCN) anticipated the relevance of the demands embedded in the objectives of this assessment. The “theoretical framework used in PISA is based on a broad concept of literacy, as advocated by many brazilian authors and underpinning the educational philosophy of the National Curricular Parameters (PCN) [...]” (Brasil, Instituto Nacional de Estudos e Pesquisas Educacionais Anísio Teixeira-INEP, 2001, p. 71). Conversely, Oliveira (2020, p. 94) highlights the significant role of Pisa in “shaping Brazil’s education assessment policy” across various administrations. Inspired by Pisa, the IDEB methodology was designed with a focus on developing high-quality indicators for education. Inep’s political function presentes the Pisa
[...] as a reference model (statistical and epistemological) for the quality of the Brazilian school system. These actions reflect [...] a political intention on the part of Inep to have an internationally recognized benchmark like Pisa and to exert influence over governments and policymakers. By interfering in educational policies in Brazil, the OECD produces a transformation and standardization on the concept of educational quality that is being incorporated in the country (Oliveira, 2020, p. 94).
Similarly, since 1998, the National High School Exam-ENEM, has approached Pisa by presenting a test structured around “skills and abilities associated with traditional contents, [...] and problems related to everyday life. It seeks to evaluate the foundational skills for navigating a world full of information, where comprehension of written text is paramount” (Castro, 2001, p. 83). This clearly demonstrates the alignment of the MEC’s guideline with Pisa criteria and OECD recommendations, beginning with textbooks. Conversely, the inclusion of Pisa as a central element in Brazilian legislation reflects a power relationship and subordination in defining the quality parameters for Brazilian education.
The LDB’s new framework has positioned assessment as a strategic instrument to shape public education policies. As an institution linked to the Ministry of Education, INEP was responsible for implementing Pisa in Brazil, coordinating its application, evaluation and analysis of results, under the guidance of the International Consortium responsible for the Program (Brasil, 2001). Thus, Brazil’s participation in Pisa takes place within this context, with the aim of generating high-quality data, analyzing it competently, and drawing out lessons and policy implications.
Pisa has become the primary global benchmark for assessing educational quality, dynamically influencing power relations in educational management and policy formulation. This has led to the consolidation of a colonialist discourse among students and teachers, reinforcing an education agenda shaped a human capital theory. Consequently, large-scale assessment systems, aligned with Pisa, create a regime of truth that guides educational agendas in various contexts, shaping and controlling the educational policy landscape.
The centrality of Pisa results in driving educational management
The transformations brought about by the managerial accounting paradigm have defined the educational framework according to a corporate and market profile, where the publicization of performance makes education marketable and functional for free market competition. Large-scale assessment serves the purpose of verifying and measuring, as well as standardized publicity aimed at legitimizing quality control for the educational market, after all, advertising is the soul of business in a competitive market. The naturalization in the disclosure of rankings established by large-scale assessment has become a common strategy for improving basic education.
The media channels consolidate as a resource to propagandize national educational results, being empathic in the comparisons that both qualify and disqualify the (de)merit of educational systems and public education networks. Educational rankings are widely disseminated through, with media outlets accelerating the delivery of information to the public and enabling easy access to past publications. There was a high media investment in Brazil, exploring pragmatic and competitive aspects of results tasked with generating technical knowledge about education, aiming at giving versatility and social recognition to external assessments indicated as the solution to school problems.
The corpus of analyzed media documents includes 6 reports produced and released by INEP to provide a technical overview of the Pisa results and of replicating the data announced by the OECD. The remaining documents located in the journalistic media (articles, interviews, News and reports), totaling 105 documents, presente articles related to Pisa performances based on the data released by the OECD, announcing measures positions taken regarding the results of education and the direction of educational policies. The graph below shows a comparison of the documents found.
Among the journalistic documentos 87 articles, 34 interviews, 108 news items, 118 reports and 06 technical reports were captured, totalling 353 objects.
The analysis of documents focusing on the role of international organizations in Brazilian education, was organized by the following conceptual categories: inclusive accessibility and access democratization; educational quality; literacy; school failure; the curriculum and the BNCC, teacher development, school structure and funding; and national education policies. By conducting a documental analysis of the collected sample, we identified conceptual categories that were used as inclusion criteria. This process validated 111 media (31,45%) that directly aligned with our research objectives.
The presentation of the media documents, composed of 105 journalistic objects and 06 national reports, made it possible to identify 57 actions of the national educational management, between 1990s and 2001, with a greater expressiveness for the decade of 2010 to 2019. The actions are recognized by national assessments such as SAEB, IDEB, Prova Brasil, and ANA, as well as through Laws, Decrees, Ordinances, Resolutions, National Curricular Parameters, Programs, Funding Funds, Courses, School Census, Education National Plans, National Common Curricular Base, among other measures. The location of educational management actions originates in journalistic documents, of which 13 are present in the national Pisa reports. The identified actions are specified in the table of national educational management actions, distributed as follows:
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- Decade of 1990 to 1999 - 13 actions (two in 1990, one in 1995, two in 1996, three in 1997, three in 1998 and two in 1999) of which eight are also mentioned in the national Pisa reports;
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- Decade of 2000 to 2009 - 19 actions (two in 2001, three in 2004, five in 2005, three in 2006, four in 2007 and two in 2008) of which five are also mentioned in the national Pisa reports;
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- Decade of 2010 to 2019 - 23 actions (two in 2010, one in 2011, five in 2013, one in 2014, one in 2016, five in 2017, four in 2018, four in 2019) none of which were found in the national Pisa reports;
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- In 2020 and 2021 one action was identified each year, but neither was found in the national Pisa reports.
The actions are related by year of implementation, by the normative policy and legal framework that establishes them, and by a brief description of their specific characteristics.
Media reports demonstrate the significant role that international organizations play in shaping national education policies, particularly in response to the results of the PISA assessments. These organizations promote a commitment at the national level to align educational policies with the guidelines set forth by the OECD, with the ultimate goal of improving education quality. This relationship between Brazil and the OECD has been in place since the 1990s. Also, they allow us to understand the effect of political actions through which a greater commitment to the standardization of actions aimed at the control and monitoring of education is identified, which is responsible for perpetuating and widening gaps in educational disparity.
The mediatization of results leads to the belief in the poor quality and fragility of public education. It is in this context that new magic formulas are produced to qualify individuals for consumption in the labor market. Educational policies are focused on enabling a uniform curricular structure throughout Brazil, preparing students through training for the results of large-scale assessments. Educational quality becomes nothing more than a meritocratic incentive for a select group of individuals, selected and prepared for the dictates of the economic development of globalization.
An analysis of media documents reveals how commercializable the guidelines of educational policies have become. These policies drive an instructional project for individuals, aimed at the formation of human capital, suitable for the conditions required by the globalized economic environment and adapted to education by international agencies.
Considerations
Upon concluding the partial presentation of this research, it becomes possible to consider that the changes installed in the forms of organization and management of the State were effective due to the adoption of a managerial public administration, favorable to external evaluation, with a certifying status of basic education, even in the face of national governments with political ideologies distinct from neoconservatives. The transformations of the State’s structure had a single purpose which was to reclaim the networks of capitalism, on a global level, to the detriment of the welfare state. Public administration and national education are being reconceptualized following the productivist criteria of businesses, efficiency, and effectiveness, determined by technical and rational modernization, in which individuals are defined as human capital available for consumption by potential clients. The economic market exerts regulation and standardization of the strategic, structural, and morphological changes of educational organizations, ensured by regulations that focus on economic development.
Neoliberalism, spurred by globalization in the late 20th century, implemented a series of reforms that guided the accounting paradigm. In education, this paradigm has sought to transform individuals and society, including in Brazil, with the stated goal of national development. The State, moved by the economy growth attempt, at a time when the universalization of education did not have the effect of qualifying the great mass of students (the quantity of students enrolled in schools did not mean educational quality), it appeals to quality control via large-scale evaluations, supported by the legal authorization of LDB 9394/1996 (Brasil, 1996). The law installs external evaluative rules, also destined to the several educational systems of the country.
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AVAILABILITY OF RESEARCH DATA
All data were generated/analyzed in this article.
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HOW TO CITE THIS ARTICLE
SILVEIRA, Carmem Lucia Albrecht da; ESQUINSANI, Rosimar Serena Siqueira. The national education management through the protagonism of large-scale assessments of Pisa. Educar em Revista, Curitiba, v. 40, e93496, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/1984-0411.93496
All data were generated/analyzed in this article.


Source: Elaborated by the authors.