Gender and racial inequalities in the health workforce in Brazil: evidence from the formal market (2010-2021)Abstract
This study examines gender and racial inequalities in the health workforce in Brazil between 2010 and 2021, using data from the Annual Social Information Report (RAIS). The objective is to identify differences in composition and remuneration among professional categories, focusing on the interaction between gender and race. Methodologically, descriptive analyses were conducted, considering variables such as sex, race, and average hourly remuneration, cross-referenced with occupational and sectoral data. The results reveal that women of color are disproportionately concentrated in lower-paying and precarious professions, while White men dominate prestigious and higher-paid professions. The findings underscore the needs of public policies to address structural inequalities and promote greater equity in the sector.
Key words:
Occupational Health; Health Inequalities; Gender and Health; Racial Disparities; Labor Market
Resumo
Este estudo analisa as desigualdades de gênero e raça/cor na força de trabalho em saúde no Brasil entre 2010 e 2021, utilizando dados da Relação Anual de Informações Sociais (RAIS). O objetivo é identificar diferenças na composição e remuneração entre categorias profissionais, com enfoque na interação entre gênero e raça/cor. Foram empregadas análises descritivas, considerando variáveis como sexo, raça/cor e remuneração média por hora, cruzadas com dados ocupacionais e setoriais. Os resultados revelam que mulheres negras estão desproporcionalmente concentradas em profissões de menor remuneração e condições precárias, enquanto homens brancos dominam as profissões de maior prestígio e salários. As conclusões apontam para a necessidade de políticas públicas que abordem as desigualdades estruturais e promovam maior equidade no setor.
Palavras-chave:
Saúde do Trabalhador; Desigualdades em Saúde; Gênero e Saúde; Disparidades Raciais; Mercado de Trabalho
Resumen
Este estudio analiza las desigualdades de género y raza en la fuerza laboral de salud en Brasil entre 2010 y 2021, utilizando datos del Informe Anual de Información Social (RAIS). El objetivo es identificar diferencias en la composición y remuneración entre categorías profesionales, enfocándose en la interacción entre género y raza. Se realizaron análisis descriptivos considerando variables como sexo, raza/color de piel y remuneración media por hora, cruzadas con datos ocupacionales y sectoriales. Los resultados revelan que las mujeres negras están desproporcionadamente concentradas en profesiones de menor remuneración y condiciones precarias, mientras que los hombres blancos dominan las profesiones más prestigiosas y mejor remuneradas. Las conclusiones destacan la necesidad de políticas públicas que aborden las desigualdades estructurales y promuevan mayor equidad en el sector.
Palabras clave:
Salud Laboral; Desigualdades en Salud; Género y Salud; Disparidades Raciales; Mercado Laboral
Introduction
Gender and race/skin color discrimination in the labor market is a widely documented event that adversely affects the employment opportunities and working conditions of large population segments1. In the Health sector, these inequalities become particularly evident, since it has historically been marked by a greater female presence, yet remains permeated by power and hierarchical structures that predominantly benefit men, especially white men2. This situation becomes even more challenging when the racial dimension is considered, as Black women are disproportionately concentrated in the most precarious positions, with lower wages and more adverse working conditions3,4. In this context, the present study seeks to discuss gender and race/skin color inequalities in the Health workforce in Brazil from 2010 to 2021, focusing on its composition and remuneration.
Gender and race/skin color inequalities in the labor market are not merely the result of individual actions or direct discrimination, but reflect broader structural problems. Gender inequalities in the twenty-first century continue to display persistent, often invisible barriers that profoundly affect employment opportunities and working conditions5. These barriers are evident in Brazil, where women’s participation in sectors such as Education, Health, and Social Services, although numerically significant, is far from guaranteeing equitable working conditions. Most of these women are concentrated in positions that offer lower pay, unstable employment ties, and less social protection, which systemically affects their security and well-being2.
A principal gender-related issue is the so-called “glass ceiling”, which refers to the invisible barriers that prevent women from reaching leadership positions, even in sectors where they are the majority. In the Health sector, this reality is striking: although women account for more than 70% of the workforce in the sector, their presence in management and decision-making positions is quite limited6. By contrast, the “glass escalator” favors men who tend to advance more rapidly into leadership positions and to enjoy better wages and working conditions even in female-dominated fields. This pattern reflects a logic of reproducing male social privileges that persists across different sectors of the labor market, including Health.
Wage inequality is another central element in discussions of gender and race/skin color in the Health sector. Studies show that, even with similar individual characteristics, women continue to earn less than men. In Brazil, this wage gap is accentuated by race. According to the Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics7, Black people, especially women, are overrepresented in occupations with lower pay levels. This difference is visible in 2021 data, in which the unemployment rate was 11.3% for white people but rose to 16.5% for Black people and 16.2% for brown people, highlighting this group’s economic vulnerability7.
In addition to gender issues, the racial dimension also plays a central role in inequalities in the Health sector. Brazil has a history marked by slavery and institutional racism and still bears deep racial inequalities. The insertion of Black people into the formal labor market is characterized by structural barriers that hinder their access to quality opportunities. Even when they do gain entry, these individuals-especially Black women-are often found in informal positions, with little social protection and low wages8. In the Health sector, this reality is evident in support and assistance occupations, such as nursing assistants and health aides, where Black women predominate9. Data from the IBGE Social Indicators Synthesis10 show that 69% of managerial positions are held by White people, with the remaining 31% being held by Black, Indigenous, and Asian people, with the latter two groups accounting for less than 1% and 2%, respectively, of this share. This imbalance reflects the historical barriers that prevent Black people from advancing to positions of greater prestige and power in the labor market. These barriers, combined with gender discrimination, make Black women the most vulnerable group in terms of pay and job security.
The 2020 Continuous National Household Sample Survey (PNADC) report highlighted that, both before and during the COVID-19 pandemic, women had a lower probability of participating in the labor market than men, and this probability was even lower for Black women11.
The COVID-19 pandemic exacerbated these inequalities12-14. The health sector was directly affected not only by increased workloads and risks for professionals, but also by the economic and social conditions that disproportionately affected women and, especially, Black women. Data from Ipea11 indicate that the pandemic deteriorated substandard working conditions, with informality growing significantly among health workers, especially in the most vulnerable strata of the workforce. Many Black women working on the front line during the health crisis, for example, continued to face barriers in accessing social protection policies, exposing the profound fragility of working conditions in this sector.
Therefore, gender and race/skin color inequalities in Brazil’s health sector reflect a broader landscape of social and economic inequalities, aggravated by their intersection with racial discrimination, creating a landscape of double penalization for Black women. As discussed by Collins15 in her seminal work on Black feminism, Black women face a dual oppression of gender and race/skin color that limits their upward mobility in the labor market, resulting in more precarious conditions and fewer opportunities for advancement. Intersectionality, a concept widely discussed by Collins15, provides an important theoretical lens for analyzing how these multiple dimensions of inequality interconnect, disproportionately affecting Black women in Brazil’s health sector.
Gender and race/skin color inequalities in the labor market affect not only Black women but also Asian and Indigenous women. However, because of sample representativeness issues, these groups are generally excluded from the production of indicators and, consequently, from specific discussions16. In this context, public policy development should consider these multiple dimensions of inequality. The intersections of gender and race/skin color must be analyzed jointly in order to build a more equitable and inclusive labor market3,4,15,17. In the Health sector, such policies are especially urgent given the relevance of these women’s work to the functioning of the health system and to care delivery for the population.
By analyzing gender and race/skin color inequalities in the health workforce in the Brazilian formal labor market from 2010 to 2021, the present study seeks to contribute to advancing this debate and support the formulation of public policies that promote greater equity in the sector. By making these inequalities visible, managers and policymakers will hopefully be able to devise effective strategies to transform the working and living conditions of health professionals, especially those who are most vulnerable.
Materials and methods
This study was based on a descriptive statistical analysis of data from the Annual Social Information Report (RAIS) of the Ministry of Labor and Employment (MTE) for 2010 and 2021, which allows for long-term analysis and comparison between distinct periods, reflecting changes in the labor market and in the health workforce (HWF) over time. Notably, RAIS is an administrative record that compiles information on formal employment ties in Brazil and is a crucial database for analyzing registered employment and wages.
The HWF comprises the population contingent with specific training, preparation, or skills in health professions and occupations who are employed in or seeking employment in the sector18. Its analysis involves the dimensions of supply and demand. Supply includes both individuals currently employed in health and those who may potentially enter or re-enter it, encompassing graduates from the educational system (higher education, technical, or secondary levels), credential holders, unemployed individuals seeking insertion into the sector, and workers in-between jobs or professions, and underutilized workers18.
Demand, in turn, corresponds to job positions-filled or vacant-offered by public and private institutions and is determined by technological, economic, organizational, institutional, social, and cultural factors18. So-called effective demand refers to positions that are actually filled, representing the point of convergence between HWF supply and demand in the labor markets18.
The analyses considered two analytical dimensions: the sectoral and the professional or occupational. In the former, the HWF is analyzed within the context of the so-called Health macro sector19,20, which comprises the set of workers in economic activities related to the provision of health services and Public Health administration, as well as in activities from any sector of the economy that are health-related. Related activities include the manufacturing and marketing of pharmaceutical chemicals, health inputs and equipment, financing activities (health insurance and health plans), basic sanitation activities, and Health Education, and Health Research and Development (R&D).
In the professional or occupational dimension, we analyzed the workforce employed in health professions or occupations. These categories refer to groups of workers who perform functions, duties, actions, or procedures requiring academic and/or practical training specific to the Health sector, such as physicians, dentists, nurses, psychologists, nursing assistants, radiology technicians, and community health workers, among others. This definition is grounded in the nature of the skill required for the occupation, regardless of whether it is performed in health service delivery establishments. The remainder of the workforce in the Health macro sector, employed in non-health professions and occupations, is referred to as other health workers18,21.
We adopted the Brazilian Classification of Occupations (CBO) to identify HWF professions and occupations in RAIS. It provides detailed descriptions of formal occupations in Brazil and is widely used for administrative and research purposes.
We employed the variables gender and race/skin color in all databases to analyze the HWF composition by gender and race/skin color in Brazil. The gender variable was categorized as “female” and “male,” while the race/skin color variable included the categories ‘White’ (Branco), ‘Black’ (Preto), ‘Brown’ (Pardo), ‘Asian’ (Amarelo), and ‘Indigenous’ (Indígena). These data were considered in their original format, and missing cases were included in the total counts, ensuring the accuracy of estimates of the total number of workers in each occupation.
The analysis of wage differentials by gender and race/skin color in the HWF was based on the remuneration variable for formal employment ties. This variable provides detailed information on average wages per contracted hour, expressed in Brazilian reais (BRL), allowing a more granular analysis of earnings among different worker subgroups.
Mean hourly compensation was calculated for each selected health profession and occupation within the HWF and subsequently cross-tabulated with the gender and race/skin color variables. The Wage Index was used to assess wage disparities. It is defined as the ratio between the earnings of a specific subgroup and those of another reference subgroup. In this study, white male physicians were selected as the reference group, since they systematically showed the highest average hourly earnings over the period analyzed, with few exceptions.
In addition, for analyses within each professional or occupational category, white men in the same occupation were used as the reference. This methodology identified wage disparities between men and women and among workers of different ethnicities/skin colors within each profession, offering a detailed view of wage inequalities in the HWF.
We analyzed data using descriptive techniques in order to summarize them and identify patterns in the distributions of gender, race/skin color, and remuneration in the HWF. We calculated proportions and relative frequencies for categorical variables such as gender and race/skin color. These descriptive statistics were presented in tables and graphs to facilitate interpretation of the results.
We adopted ratios and absolute differences to calculate the Wage Index and analyze remuneration differentials, allowing direct comparison of earnings among subgroups. In addition, the analysis considered the temporal evolution of wage inequalities from 2010 to 2021, building on the longitudinal data provided by RAIS.
The analysis of gender and race/skin color differentials in HWF remuneration was performed using the remuneration variable for formal employment ties recorded in RAIS/MTE. To this end, mean values per contracted hour, in Brazilian reais, were collected for each selected health profession and occupation and simultaneously cross-tabulated with the gender and race/skin color variables. The Wage Index was then calculated for each case.
Results
Based on RAIS/MTE data (2010, 2021), an annual increase of 0.8% was observed in the number of employed persons in the economy as a whole from 2010 to 2021. For the Health Macro-sector, the variation was 2.4% per year (Table 1), whereas it was 2.9% per year for health professions as a whole. Within the macro sector, activities in the Sector Core grew by 2.5% per year, with the greatest growth occurring in Health Services (4.4% per year). The activities that grew the most were financing activities (5.0%) (Table 1).
When RAIS/MTE employment ties (2010, 2021) were analyzed by gender (Graph 1), we observed a slight increase in the proportion of jobs held by women in the economy as a whole between 2010 and 2021, although men still remained the majority, accounting for 55.8% in 2021. In the Health Macro-sector as a whole, the female proportion stood out in both years analyzed, greatly exceeding the male proportion and, in 2021, representing more than twice as much, at 67.9%. In health professions overall, female participation was far more expressive than male participation, remaining around 70.0% in both years analyzed.
Distribution of formal employment relationships in the total economy, in the Health macro sector, and in health professions and occupations by gender. Brazil, 2010 and 2021.
The analysis of health professions and occupations by race/skin color (Table 2) reveals changes between 2010 and 2021. There was an increase in the participation of brown (+11.3 percentage points) and Black people (+1.3 percentage points), with a corresponding decline among white people (-12.9 percentage points). This pattern was observed across several occupations, especially among Health Laboratory Technicians, Nurses, Physical Therapists, and Speech-Language Pathologists. Even so, in 2021, most professions still showed a predominance of white workers, except for Health Laboratory Technicians, among whom brown workers accounted for 47.5% of employment ties, compared with 43.6% for white workers.
Considering the earnings differential according to the interaction between gender and race/skin color, the inter-category professional analysis uses white male physicians as the reference group, since they had the highest Mean Hourly Compensation (MHC) in virtually all the years analyzed. The MHC value for this category was fixed at 100%, and the earnings of the other categories were expressed relative to this reference (Tables 3 and 4). The exception occurred in 2010, when Asian male and female physicians showed MHC values 8 and 9 percentage points higher, respectively, than those of white male physicians. Such variations may be associated with the low frequency of this population in the records. In 2021, the pattern was reestablished, with white male physicians once again occupying the highest-paying position.
Analysis of the physician category shows a reduction in the earnings differential between racial groups. In 2010, Indigenous male physicians earned 22 percentage points less than white male physicians, a gap that decreased to 15 percentage points in 2021. In the same year, brown and Black women remained the groups with the lowest remuneration in the category, with Black women standing out as receiving only 80% of the MHC of white male physicians.
Comparison with other higher-level health professions highlights even greater disparities regarding white male physicians. In 2010, White male nurses earned 37% of the MHC of white male physicians; dentists earned 53%; and physical therapists, 33%. In 2021, these proportions fell to 30%, 48%, and 29%, respectively, indicating persistent inequalities. Intra-category analysis confirms that white men remain the highest-paid in all professions, with important differences relative to women and Black people. For example, a Black female nurse earned 36% of the MHC of a white male physician in 2010, a proportion that declined to 28% in 2021.
Among technical and auxiliary occupations, a pattern similar to that of higher-level professions was observed, with persistent inequalities, albeit showing a declining trend. In 2010, a White male health laboratory technician earned BRL 11.70 per hour, whereas a Black woman in the same function earned BRL 7.63-65% of the remuneration of her white male peer. In 2021, even with a general increase in earnings, inequality remained: Black female pharmacy technicians earned 88% of the MHC of their white male counterparts in the same occupation.
Among Community Health Workers (ACS), in 2021, Asian men earned 111%, and the Indigenous woman earned 79% of the MHC of the White man. It is important to note that the Community Health Worker (ACS) career is regulated by Law No. 11,350/2006 and must be carried out exclusively in the public sector. However, RAIS data indicate the coexistence of different types of employment ties among these workers (such as CLT, statutory, and temporary contracts), which may reflect variations in the form of hiring adopted by states and municipalities. In addition, differences in average wages may result from the regional location of employment ties, especially in remote areas with a greater presence of Indigenous ACS, from the fiscal capacity of subnational entities, and from local remuneration policies that influence bonuses, add-ons, and wage supplements.
Discussion
The results of this study reveal a structurally unequal reality regarding the composition and remuneration of the Brazilian health workforce, especially in the intersection of gender and race/skin color. Despite the growing female participation in the sector, these women continue to face significant barriers to pay equity, particularly Black women, who remain overrepresented in low-paying functions and substandard working conditions2.
The analysis of the inequalities identified in this study is grounded in the theoretical framework of intersectionality, a concept originally developed by Kimberlé Crenshaw22 and later expanded by authors such as Patricia Hill Collins15 and Angela Davis23. Intersectionality allows us to understand how power structures overlap simultaneously and relationally, producing distinct effects for specific groups, especially Black women. In the field of labor, this approach is essential for revealing how gender, race/skin color, and class combine to produce occupational hierarchies and wage inequalities, such as those observed in the HWF. Inequalities cannot be understood in a one-dimensional manner; they result from the confluence of multiple oppressions and are expressed in the distribution of positions, remuneration, and professional trajectories.
The literature on inequalities in the labor market has shown that these barriers are not exclusive to the health sector but are deeply seated in Brazilian society, with historical roots linked to slavery and racial discrimination1. In the Health sector, however, this reality takes on particular contours, since the hierarchical system and power relations tend to benefit men, especially white men, even in a sector predominantly composed of women3.
The “glass ceiling” event is clearly illustrated by the data on the distribution of formal employment ties, in which, despite women accounting for more than 70% of the workforce in the Health sector, they are underrepresented in higher-paying positions, likely those characterized by command and leadership6. Another central aspect is the persistent wage disparity across racial and gender groups, as evidenced by the longitudinal data analyzed. Black women, in particular, are disproportionately represented in lower-paying positions, such as nursing technicians and health aides, evidencing the continuing historical and structural barriers10-15. Occupational segregation by race/skin color and gender in health professions reflects the reproduction of social inequalities that still permeate the Brazilian labor market.
This HWF segmentation is related to the sexual and racial division of labor, as described in the literature24-26. The logic of the sexual division of labor is not limited to the separation between male and female activities, but also includes the hierarchization of these functions, with activities performed by women (especially Black women) being socially devalued even when they require technical qualifications or higher education24-26. In the Health sector, this logic is translated into feminization at the base and masculinization at the top of the professional pyramid, a process that reinforces the concentration of Black women in lower-paying positions, such as Nursing Assistants or community health workers, and the presence of white men in higher-prestige professions, such as Medicine.
The data from this study show that, although the supply of professionals grew from 2010 to 2021, it followed an unequal trend in terms of remuneration and occupation of job positions, with white men leading the highest-prestige professions, such as Medicine and Dentistry. Black women, on the other hand, remain concentrated in lower-paying functions, such as laboratory technicians and community health workers, reflecting a structural pattern of precarization.
The comparative analysis from 2010 to 2021 reveals that, although there was a significant expansion of the Brazilian Health workforce-both in the absolute number of employment ties and in the participation of women and Black people-these quantitative changes did not result in structural transformations in the pattern of inequality. White men remain concentrated in the highest-prestige and highest-paying positions, such as physicians and dentists, while Black women remain predominantly in lower-paying and less recognized functions, such as community health workers and Nursing Assistants. The increased presence of brown and Black professionals in the sector, as well as the growth in female participation, was insufficient to break the historical barriers to access to positions of command or to significantly reduce wage differentials. On the contrary, the data suggest that, in certain occupations, wage disparities between Black women and white men intensified over time. This persistence and, in some cases, deteriorated inequalities indicates that the Brazilian Health labor market continues to be structured by intersectional hierarchies, reinforcing the urgent need for public policies focused on equity that consider the articulation between gender, race/skin color, and class.
Recent studies confirm that, even when they have similar qualifications, Black women in Brazil tend to earn lower wages than white men in the same professions, exacerbating preexisting inequalities8. These wage differentials become even more pronounced when the intersectionality of gender and race/skin color is considered, reinforcing the thesis that Black women face multiple forms of discrimination, simultaneously gender-based and race-based15.
In this context, it is also relevant to consider Bourdieu’s contributions27, especially his notions of capital and symbolic violence. Professions such as Medicine, dominated by white men, concentrate not only on higher remuneration but also on greater social prestige, status, and institutional legitimacy. This shows that the health labor market reproduces not only material inequalities but also symbolic inequalities, naturalizing the subalternization of certain groups28,29. The fact that Black women are overrepresented in less valued functions reveals a process of social reproduction of inequalities, in which one’s position in the labor market reflects a long trajectory of historical and structural exclusion.
In the field of public policies, the development of measures that address gender and race/skin color inequalities in an integrated manner is essential. As argued by Abramo17 and Collins15, policies that fail to consider the intersections between these dimensions risk perpetuating existing inequalities. In the Health sector, this is even more critical given the central importance of female workers-especially Black women-to the functioning of Public Health and PHC systems. To this end, recognizing the multiple forms of discrimination and creating equity policies that consider these nuances are essential for transforming the sector.
The intersectionality approach22 applied to this context reveals that policies to combat inequalities must transcend the issue of gender or race/skin color taken in isolation. Black women stand at the confluence of these inequalities and, as such, effective policies must incorporate this intersectional dimension to promote significant changes in the health labor market. The data presented here suggest that, without a comprehensive approach to the social markers of difference, any attempt to reform the sector will be insufficient to reduce disparities.
Therefore, the results of this study not only expose present-day inequalities but also point to the urgent need to rethink inclusion and equity policies in the Health labor market. Only a combination of strategies aimed at eliminating structural barriers, together with changes in institutional hiring and promotion practices, can provide a fairer and more equitable environment for Black women and other marginalized groups.
Final considerations
Analysis of data from the Annual Social Information Report (RAIS) demonstrates substantial growth in the Health Workforce (HWF) between 2010 and 2021, reflecting an expansion from 6.2 million to 10.1 million people employed in the Health macro sector. This increase outpaced overall economic growth, with the sector’s share rising from 11.8% to 14.2%. This process was accompanied by increasing feminization, with the proportion of women in the Health macro sector rising from 64.5% to 68.3%, significantly above the proportion of women in the general population (51.1%).
In addition, there was an important change in the racial composition of the HWF, with increased participation of Black people. In the formal market, the presence of Black people in health professions increased from 5% to 6%, while that of Brown people rose from 26.5% to 38%. These changes were less pronounced in professions such as medicine and dentistry, where White participation still predominates, although there was a 10-percentage-point reduction among physicians and an 11-percentage-point reduction among dentists.
Despite these advances, racial and gender inequalities remain evident. In terms of remuneration, white workers continue to be systematically better paid than professionals of other ethnicities/skin colors, both in higher-education occupations and in technical and auxiliary occupations. However, a trend toward slightly higher remuneration was observed for Asian and, in some cases, Indigenous professionals against white workers. These peaks in remuneration may be explained by the lower representativeness of these groups, which generates variability in average wages.
The analysis of wage differentials shows that disparities are explained not only by race/skin color or gender in isolation, but by the intersection between these variables. In 2010, a Black female physician earned on average 9% less than a white male physician. A brown female nurse, in turn, earned only 34% of the hourly pay of a white male physician. In 2021, these inequalities remained, with Black female physicians earning, on average, 20% less per hour than their white male peers.
This discrepancy is even greater in technical-level professions and occupations, such as community health workers, in which an Indigenous worker earned on average 8% of the amount paid to a white physician.
RAIS data are vital for monitoring transformations in the formal Health labor market, allowing detailed and longitudinal analyses. However, an important limitation of this study is the lack of data on the informal labor market, which constitutes a significant portion of the HWF, especially in the most vulnerable strata. Analysis of informality is crucial for a broader understanding of inequalities, since many workers, especially Black people and women, are in substandard working conditions and outside social protection.
Future research should also focus on evaluating wage and opportunity differentials by position and career level, in order to determine whether disparities persist even when women and racialized professionals reach leadership positions, or whether they result from underrepresentation in those posts. This will allow a clearer understanding of whether disparities are structural and persist across all hierarchical levels, or whether they are exacerbated by occupational segmentation, thereby providing more robust support for the creation of public policies that promote gender and race/skin color equity across the full spectrum of health professions.
Another point to be explored in future studies is the motherhood penalty, which may significantly affect women’s professional and wage trajectories in the HWF. Although not directly analyzed in this study, the literature indicates that women, especially Black women, face greater barriers in the labor market after becoming mothers, which may exacerbate the gender and race/skin color inequalities already present.
Finally, the racial and gender analysis in this study indicates the importance of advancing the use of disaggregated data, such as those provided for in Law No. 14,553/2023, which requires the inclusion of race/skin color information in worker records. This information is essential for supporting effective public policies to combat inequalities in the Health sector. In addition, policies such as Bill No. 1,085/2023, which establishes equal pay between men and women in the same function, and Law No. 12,990/2014, which reserves 20% of positions in public examinations for Black applicants, are important steps, but they need to be accompanied by continuous monitoring supported by detailed and updated data.
In summary, the present study offers a valuable analysis of racial and gender inequalities in the HWF, but also highlights the need to expand the research agenda and include a more robust collection of race/skin color and gender data, especially in the public sector. Only with a more complete understanding of the dynamics of the health labor market will it be possible to develop policies that effectively promote equity.
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The data sources adopted in the research are indicated in the article’s body.
Fonte: EPSM/NESCON/FM/UFMG a partir dos microdados da RAIS/MTE (2010, 2021).