Symbolic mobility of older adults in heritage cities: co-creation and belonging

Abstract

This article explores walkability challenges for older adults in heritage cities of the Global South, focusing on the historic center of Ouro Preto (state of Minas Gerais, Brazil). It examines how mobility experiences are influenced by both symbolic and affective dimensions, and proposes collective strategies to enhance walkability, considering physical accessibility, sense of belonging, memory, and territorial connection. Using the Geodesign participatory methodology, which combines technical data and local knowledge, the study engages residents in the co-creation of solutions. Results highlight that small-scale interventions such as benches, handrails, and signage, based on lived experiences, can promote more inclusive cities attentive to social inequalities and committed to active aging and intergenerational justice.

Keywords:
symbolic mobility; heritage cities; older adults

Resumo

O artigo discute os desafios da caminhabilidade de pessoas idosas em cidades patrimonializadas do Sul Global, com foco no centro histórico de Ouro Preto (MG). O objetivo é investigar como as experiências de mobilidade dessas pessoas são atravessadas por dimensões simbólicas e afetivas, propondo estratégias coletivas de melhoria da caminhabilidade que considerem acessibilidade física, pertencimento, memória e vínculo com o território. A pesquisa utiliza a metodologia participativa do Geodesign, que integra dados técnicos e saberes locais na construção colaborativa das propostas. Os resultados evidenciam que pequenas intervenções, orientadas pelas vivências dos moradores, como bancos, corrimãos e sinalização, contribuem para cidades mais inclusivas, sensíveis às desigualdades sociais e comprometidas com o envelhecimento ativo e a justiça intergeracional.

Palavras-chave:
mobilidade simbólica; cidades patrimonializadas; pessoas idosas

Introduction

Historically, cities were conceived as spaces for encounter, the construction of social bonds, and shared lived experience. The experience of the city occurred at a walking pace, allowing citizens to appropriate spaces, observe landscape details, and establish relationships with the built environment and others (Gehl, 2015; Speck, 2016). Streets, therefore, served multiple functions: as access routes to destinations and as places of permanence, exchange, and affective ties (Jacobs, 2011). This urban model, centered on the human experience, was progressively dismantled throughout the 20th century, particularly with the consolidation of a functionalist urban paradigm driven by the Industrial Revolution and modernist urban planning (Maricato, 2011). As Santos (2003) highlights, the prioritization of motorized flows has transformed the configuration of the so-called "conductive fixes," expanding urban sprawl and increasing the distances to be traversed. Thus, active mobility was gradually excluded from the core of urban planning, compromising the social function of streets and accentuating ruptures in the urban fabric and in the dynamics of coexistence (Vasconcellos, 2001).

In light of this panorama, it becomes necessary to rethink urban spaces beyond a functionalist logic, incorporating the symbolic and relational dimensions of the experience of movement. In this context, authors such as Kaufmann (2002) and Cresswell (2006) have contributed to consolidating the concept of symbolic mobility, understood as the experience of movement permeated by meanings, memories, and affective ties. Such a perspective offers a potent interpretive key for understanding walking as a social and cultural practice. This approach is particularly relevant for older adults, whose urban trajectories are articulated through the construction of identity--based bonds with the territory (Halbwachs, 2006). In this context, walking serves as a means of maintaining an active relationship with places that structure collective memory and reinforce a sense of belonging. As Augé (1994) highlights, the loss of this possibility constitutes a process of symbolic erasure – namely, the weakening of affective and identity-based ties with the city.

This issue becomes even more pronounced in heritage cities such as Ouro Preto, in the state of Minas Gerais, where heritage preservation must be reconciled with contemporary demands for accessibility, safety, and social inclusion (Serpa, 2018). In these localities, urban conditions impose significant challenges to everyday mobility due to features such as rugged topography, narrow sidewalks, and irregular paving (Iphan, 2014). These obstacles become critical when analyzed in light of population aging. The population of Ouro Preto aged 60 and over grew by 39.8% between 2010 and 2022, according to the Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics – IBGE (2022). This scenario, which combines population aging, precarious infrastructure, and urban heritage, recurs in several cities across the Global South, where historical processes of unequal urbanization accentuate barriers to mobility and to the right to remain within the urban space. It reinforces the necessity of rethinking urban spaces through an intergenerational lens, accounting for historical preservation and the right to permanence, memory, and autonomy (Lima-Costa and Veras, 2023).

Within the scope of this study, the term 'heritage cities' refers to localities that have undergone processes of heritage-making, whether via institutional instruments – such as heritage listings, registries, and international designations like the Unesco World Cultural Heritage title – or through symbolic attributions arising from social and cultural practices. The verb 'patrimonializar', defined in Portuguese lexicons as 'to transform into heritage' or 'to assign heritage value to', precisely captures this process of material and immaterial valuation. The recent literature has extensively employed the term to analyze the impact of heritage recognition on urban dynamics, everyday practices, and territorial management policies (Costa, 2021; Flora, 2022). Thus, adopting the expression “heritage cities” elucidates the relationship between historical preservation, social uses, and contemporary challenges regarding mobility and inclusion.

Despite the burgeoning development of studies focused on walkability as it affects older adults, as emphasized by Santos et al. (2024), there remains a paucity of approaches specifically addressing the challenges faced by this age group within historic centers. Studies encompassing these three spheres, such as those by Zeng and Shen (2020) and Alves et al. (2021) concerning the historic centers of Zhangzhou (China) and Porto (Portugal), highlight the obstacles which the urban environment imposes on active mobility for this cohort, yet they lack practical strategies informed by the group's own perspective. This lacuna highlights the need for methodologies that, beyond merely diagnosing barriers, propose solutions sensitive to the historical and social conditions of these territories.

Within this context, this study proposes a methodological approach grounded in Geodesign as a tool to connect heritage, accessibility, and citizen participation. Geodesign enables the integration of geospatial technologies, technical data, and local knowledge, fostering collaborative planning processes that directly involve the social actors most impacted by urban dynamics (Moura, Rosa and Barros, 2024; Steinitz, 2016). Drawing upon this approach, the objective of this study is to investigate, through Geodesign, how the mobility experiences of older adults in the historic center of Ouro Preto are permeated by symbolic and affective dimensions. The study aims to propose collective strategies for improving walkability that account for both physical accessibility and the senses of belonging, memory, and affective ties with territory. Aligned with the United Nations (UN) Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), particularly SDG 11 – which concerns the promotion of inclusive, safe, resilient, and sustainable cities – this study contributes to the creation of more resilient communities capable of offering an enhanced quality of life for all inhabitants, especially the most vulnerable populations.

Symbolic mobility: challenges in heritage contexts

The debate on urban mobility within the context of population aging demands an approach that encompasses the complexity of pedestrian practices, particularly in cities characterized by historical layouts and consolidated infrastructure. From a physiological perspective, aging entails a series of alterations that limit individual mobility, such as the loss of muscle mass, reduced bone density, decreased visual acuity, and a reduction in walking speed (Clares, Freitas and Borges, 2014; Netto, 2002). These challenges are exacerbated by the precariousness of the urban infrastructure, evidenced by sidewalks with a width of less than 1.20 meters (as recommended by NBR 9050 (ABNT, 2020)), irregular paving or slippery surfaces, the absence of accessible ramps, and the lack of rest areas. Such obstacles are especially recurrent in cities with protected urban heritage, as highlighted by the Iphan Technical Manual (2014) Urban Mobility and Accessibility in Historic Centers.

Beyond the physical limitations inherent to aging, it is fundamental to consider the socio--spatial factors that exacerbate the exclusion of older adults within the city. As highlighted by Andrade et al. (2019), pedestrian mobility cannot be analyzed in isolation from the social, territorial, and gender inequalities that permeate access to urban services. Older women, for instance, are more susceptible to the burden of domestic and caregiving tasks, which influences their patterns of movement and amplifies their exposure to urban risks (Hannas, Moreira and Cruz, 2024). Similarly, residents in peripheral areas face greater distances and more deficient infrastructure, which aggravates the vulnerability associated with age (Fhon et al., 2012). Thus, accessibility must be understood as an urban right that transcends the technical dimension of transport engineering, incorporating principles of spatial justice and social inclusion (Reis and Véras, 2024).

The intersection of the physiological challenges of aging and the social markers of urban inequality reveals a hostile environment for the mobility of older adults in Brazilian cities (Lima et al., 2020). In urban centers characterized by historical processes of segregation and territorial discontinuity, walking at a reduced speed or with diminished sensory perception becomes a precarious experience. This condition is even more critical in historic centers, where the consolidated infrastructure imposes barriers such as narrow sidewalks, steep gradients, irregular paving, and a lack of inclusive signage. As highlighted by Albuquerque et al. (2023), rather than reconciling conservation with inclusion, urban projects often reproduce a logic of silent exclusion.

The absence of integrated public policies capable of connecting mobility, aging, and cultural safeguarding perpetuates an urban model that ignores the diversity of bodies, temporalities, and modes of experiencing the city (Santinha and Marques, 2013). It is therefore imperative that urban planning adopts an intersectional perspective sensitive to accumulated inequalities, promoting environments that foster permanence, circulation, and belonging throughout all stages of life (Albuquerque and Santiago, 2024). Such challenges are even more acute in cities of the Global South, which are marked by colonial legacies, technological dependency, and historically exclusionary urban investments (Pieterse, 2011; Santos, 2009). Conceptualizing urban mobility within these contexts necessitates an examination of the structural asymmetries that shape the modes of inhabiting and circulating within the city.

Beyond structural implications, this configuration impacts the subjective dimensions of mobility. For many older adults, moving through the city also serves as a means of sustaining affective ties, maintaining meaningful routines, and asserting their social presence. Consequently, when the urban environment is perceived as unsafe, these trajectories are progressively interrupted, leading to a form of social withdrawal. Thus, the inability to access meaningful places also compromises the sense of belonging and the continuity of life (Albuquerque et al., 2023). Thus, beyond merely facilitating movement, conceptualizing urban mobility for old age implies creating conditions that allow these territorial experiences to persist.

A testimony from one of the four hundred older adults interviewed by Kerber et al. (2023, p. 6679) underscores this issue: “It is very dangerous; I find it difficult to cross the street safely. I always get nervous when I have to come to the center, but one has to come, right? What else can you do?” The research was motivated by this perception of insecurity among older pedestrians within a landscape characterized by high rates of pedestrian-traffic collisions and accidents on urban thoroughfares (ibid.). This brief account reveals the daily paradox faced by many older adults: the necessity of walking to perform basic functions and maintain social ties clashes with the concrete experience of an exclusionary urban environment. Perceived insecurity, therefore, guides choices, defines routes, and imposes silent barriers. In this context, the city is transformed into a field of tension where every movement carries, beyond physical exertion, the emotional weight of vulnerability.

This condition reveals a recurring dilemma: remaining at home compromises physical and emotional health, yet venturing out presents a concrete risk to physical integrity. The sedentary lifestyle imposed by road insecurity exacerbates chronic diseases, reduces functional autonomy, and weakens social ties (Olbrich et al., 2010). The account of another interviewee, also recorded by Kerber et al. (2023, p. 6684), materializes this conflict: “[...] I go out; if I stay at home, I get sick. Beyond merely walking, I come to care for my grandchildren, but it is always risky; my daughter makes me call constantly to report my location and confirm if I have arrived.” This daily choice to face risk in order to continue fulfilling fundamental social roles highlights the urgency of urban policies that recognize the value of these trajectories, ensuring welcoming urban environments. Planning active aging is an ethical commitment to generational justice and the right to the city. To recover symbolic mobility, therefore, is to recognize that the city must also be a place for continued care, belonging, and resistance (Santinha and Marques, 2013).

To address this complexity, it is necessary to adopt methodological approaches capable of integrating technical data with the voices of those who inhabit and experience the city. Geodesign stands out within this context by offering a participatory, sensitive, and spatially informed framework for urban planning. Proposed by Steinitz (2016), this approach links up geotechnologies, spatial analysis, and collaborative decision-making processes, enabling the creation of scenarios grounded in the active engagement of the population. Its effectiveness has been demonstrated in studies applied to diverse urban contexts, such as research conducted in the Iron Quadrangle (Moura et al., 2021) and in the central region of the state capital (Martins et al., 2024; Moura, Rosa and Barros, 2024), with a specific focus on the demands of children and older adults. In the latter case, the active participation of this demographic group made it possible to capture aspects invisible to conventional analyses, such as the symbolic value of specific routes, the necessity of benches at strategic locations, and the urgent need for signage compatible with reduced visual perception (Martins et al., 2024). The maps generated from lived experiences enabled the redesign of routes that reconcile safety, memory, and affective ties.

An emblematic example of this approach is the “Pelô Acessível” project, developed in the Historic Center of Salvador. Although not formally structured as Geodesign, the project incorporated its essential principles: citizen engagement, a sensitive reading of the territory, and intersectoral integration (Salvador, 2013). The mapping of everyday routes, the identification of places of affective value, and simple yet effective interventions – such as curb ramps, the installation of tactile signage, and pedestrian crossings – guided the proposed actions, enhancing physical accessibility and restoring symbolic mobility by allowing memories, routines, and social relations to be reinforced by movement.

This experience reinforces the idea that rethinking urban mobility from the perspective of active aging demands technical diagnoses and, above all, a sensitive ear for those who experience the city's challenges daily. Designing “with” and “for” inhabitants represents a paradigm shift in urbanism, transcending the traditional logic centered exclusively on technical expertise. Since the mid-20th century, various authors have highlighted the importance of incorporating local knowledge and the diversity of experiences as fundamental elements in the construction of more just and welcoming urban spaces (Innes, 1995; Sandercock, 1998). For Moura, Rosa e Barros (2024), active population participation is decisive for the legitimacy of proposals and for strengthening belonging and engagement with transformation processes.

In this sense, Geodesign constitutes a powerful methodology, as it integrates spatial data, technical analyses, and lived knowledge into a collaborative decision-making process (Steinitz, 2016). In contexts such as historic centers, where normative restrictions and demands for accessibility coexist, this approach enables the creation of balanced solutions based on dialogue among multiple stakeholders. Planning for walkability, therefore, requires recognizing the city as a field of symbolic dispute in which the right to walk is also the right to remain, to be heard, and to continue being part of urban life (Martins et al., 2024).

Methodology

The methodology employed in this study was structured into four primary stages (Figure 1), supported by the collaborative platform GeodesignBRA. Developed in Brazil by GE21 Geotecnologias, this web tool integrates resources for geovisualization, interoperability, and the co-creation of proposals via geocollaboration (Geoproea, 2024). By articulating Spatial Data Infrastructure (SDI) with WebGIS systems, the platform enables the access and processing of geographic information through WFS, WMS, and WPS services, in compliance with the protocols established by the Open Geospatial Consortium – OGC (GE21, 2025).

Figure 1
– Methodology flowchart

In Stage 1, the spatial scope of the research was established, focusing on the central area of the Ouro Preto district, a city recognized by Unesco as a World Heritage Site (Unesco, 2024). The delimitation encompassed points relevant to both residents and tourists, such as fifteen historical monuments, the City Hall, and the Bus Terminal. São José Street, the main commercial axis of the central area and popularly known as "Bank Street," concentrates most of the city's bank branches and brings together essential services used by elderly people, such as pharmacies, bakeries, restaurants, and small shops. For this reason, the bank branches were considered relevant destinations in the analysis, since they represent points of daily autonomy for this age group. In addition, the street houses the Casa dos Contos (House of Tales), an important cultural institution, reinforcing its economic and symbolic centrality in the territory.

In this same stage, the target audience was defined, comprising two strategic groups. The first includes older adults, who daily encounter challenges as pedestrians. The second encompasses technical professionals, such as representatives from the Municipal Government of Ouro Preto, responsible for planning and implementing local public policies; representatives of the National Institute of Historic and Artistic Heritage (Iphan), who work to preserve the city's historical assets; and professionals in the fields of Urbanism, Transport, or related disciplines, who are familiar with the specifics of the municipality. It should be noted that the segments accounted for in subsequent stages refer to the street segments defined as the minimum unit of territorial analysis, as represented in Figure 2.

Figure 2
– Study area and analysis segments

Stage 2 was divided into five sub-stages. In sub-stage 2.1, the evaluation criteria were defined based on the Walkability Index for Historic Urban Centers (ICCH), proposed by Matos et al. (2021). The ICCH was specifically designed to evaluate pedestrian mobility conditions in historic areas, considering the details and challenges inherent to these urban spaces. The index encompasses five essential axes for a pedestrian-friendly environment: sidewalk, environment, safety, attractiveness, and connectivity. From these broad categories, the following evaluation criteria were selected: 1) effective sidewalk width; 2) sidewalk paving; 3) sidewalk accessibility; 4) longitudinal gradient; 5) cleanliness; 6) pedestrian crossings; 7) street typology; 8) lighting; 9) seating; 10) attractiveness; 11) mixed land use; 12) wayfinding signage; 13) access to public transport. The indicators mentioned in subsequent stages correspond to the ICCH criteria selected in this sub-stage, serving as parameters to evaluate the walkability conditions of the studied segments.

Regarding the parameter “access to public transport,” there was a perceived need to adjust the evaluation scale proposed by Matos et al. (2021) in order to adapt it for older adults. This is because the distances covered in 5, 10, and 15 minutes – considering the walking speed of 0.4m/s for older adults proposed by NBR 9050 (ABNT 2020) – would be 120, 240, and 360 meters, respectively (Chart 1), rather than the 500, 750, and 1,000 meters stipulated in the original ICCH evaluation scale, which was based on the index developed by the Institute for Transportation and Development Policy – ITDP Brazil (2018).

Chart 1
– Adapted evaluation scale for the “access to public transport” parameter

Classification	Assessment scale
Very poor	Absence of public transport boarding/alighting points within a distance of up to 360 meters.
Poor	Presence of public transport boarding/alighting points at a distance between 240 and 360 meters (greater than 10 minutes walking distance).
Good	Presence of public transport boarding/alighting points at a distance between 120 and 240 meters (between 5 and 10 minutes walking distance).
Excellent	Presence of public transport boarding/alighting points within a distance of up to 120 meters (5 minutes walking distance).

Sub-stage 2.2 involved defining the Territorial Unit of Analysis (TUA), established as the sidewalk segment, accounting for its relationship to the roadway and adjacent plots. The study area was divided into 120 segments with a maximum length of 150 meters, in accordance with the methodology of Matos et al. (2021). In sub-stage 2.3, data collection was performed in loco on 4/10/2024 through visual observation and measurement tools available on mobile devices. Elements such as longitudinal gradient were calculated from the Alos Palsar raster (12.5 meter resolution), and proximity to public transport points was measured using QGIS software tools.

Sub-stage 2.4 involved the categorization of the thematic units that structured the Geodesign workshop proposals. The conceptual triad of movement, place, and environment was employed, as described by Moura, Rosa, and Barros (2024). These categories guided the methodological organization. Thus, “movement” refers to the function of travel and access; “place” pertains to permanence and coexistence; and “environment” encompasses comfort, sustainability, and urban conservation. It should be noted that this sub-stage was exclusively technical, involving no participation from the strategic groups, whose engagement occurred solely during Stage 4. Finally, sub-stage 2.5 consisted of developing the project within the GeodesignBRA platform, integrating all data collected and evaluated in previous stages into an environment conducive to collaborative proposition.

In Stage 3, a Best Practices Manual was produced to inspire participants during the formulation of proposals (Figure 3). This manual was developed based on successful experiences in analogous urban contexts, such as the following:

Figure 3
– Excerpt from the Best Practices Manual

• Technical notebook: Urban mobility and accessibility in historic centers, developed by IPHAN in 2014 (Iphan, 2014);

• Accessibility pilot project for the historic center of Salvador, developed in 2013 by the Government of the State of Bahia (Salvador, 2013);

• Accessibility plan for the historic site of Olinda, published by the Municipality of Olinda (2016).

Step 4 involved the Geodesign workshop, structured into five consecutive stages, as illustrated in Figure 4. The event included 12 participants: six older adults and six technical experts or academics from the fields of heritage, urbanism, geography, and engineering. Participants were divided into three groups, each addressing one of the study's central themes (movement, place, environment); most groups were structured to balance technical and experiential profiles.

Figure 4
– Application of Geodesign to the study of the walkability of older adults in Ouro Preto

The meeting commenced with a welcoming activity, followed by sub-stage 4.1, titled “Reading Enrichment”. During this phase, participants explored the materials produced in previous stages, which were available on the platform and also provided in print as booklets containing maps, scales, and images of the studied segments, alongside the Best Practices Manual. In sub-stage 4.2, designated “Dialogues and ideation”, the groups formulated proposals initially linked to one of the three thematic areas. Subsequently, the themes were rotated among the groups to ensure that all participants contributed ideas to each analytical axis. The suggestions were georeferenced on the platform through drawing tools (points; lines; polygons) and were mandatorily associated with at least one walkability parameter.

Sub-stage 4.3, “Dialogue, comments and suggestions,” enabled a critical cross--examination of the proposals among the groups. The comments were systematized based on three criteria: (1) verification of the intervention's location; (2) definition of priority (low, medium, or high); (3) thematic coherence of the proposal. Subsequently, sub-stage 4.4 involved a voting process in which all proposals were collectively discussed and evaluated by the participants. This stage ensured transparency and equitable participation. Finally, sub-stage 4.5 concluded the Geodesign workshop with a focus group discussion, where participants shared their impressions and insights.

Results

The results were organized into three primary axes: a general overview of the proposals; a description of the formulated set of actions; an analysis of adherence, validation, and potential impacts. The process demonstrated the effectiveness of Geodesign as a participatory planning tool by enabling the integration of multiple perspectives – particularly those frequently marginalized in conventional decision-making processes. The validation of the proposals by the participants granted legitimacy to the actions and indicated a high potential impact on improving walkability and the valorization of public space as a place of use, permanence, and social interaction.

General overview of results

As a result of the methodological process of sub-stage 4.2 (“Dialogues and ideation”), 36 proposals were systematized to improve walkability, focusing on the experience of older adults. The application of the method, anchored in qualified listening, technical data, and symbolic criteria, facilitated the collaborative construction of solutions combining urban functionality, accessibility, and the social meanings attributed to space. Thus, this integrative approach ensured that the proposals reflected the objective conditions of infrastructure as well as the participants' affective and cultural ties to the analyzed places. These proposals were organized into three thematic units: “movement” (12 proposals – 33.3%), “place” (16 proposals – 44.5%), and “environment” (8 proposals – 22.2%).

In sub-stages 4.3 (“Comments and suggestions”) and 4.4 (“Voting”), the initially drafted proposals underwent a process of collective refinement. The comments stage allowed participants to add observations, adjust the phrasing, and expand the scope of the actions, ensuring that each proposal more accurately reflected the group's needs and perceptions. Subsequently, voting on the proposals was conducted by the participants themselves. This process, synthesized in Figure 5, resulted in the validation of 33 priority proposals, representing a set of actions aligned with local realities and possessing significant potential to impact walkability. In the following section, these proposals are detailed and discussed according to the thematic axes that structured their organization.

Figure 5
– Synthesis of the Geodesign workshop results

Set of proposals

The centrality of the concept of “place” within the developed proposals demonstrates that urban mobility, particularly for the elderly, transcends functional infrastructure to encompass affective, sensory, and social experiences. Mobility is experienced through trajectories imbued with meaning, wherein the urban environment serves as an active catalyst for the formation of social bonds and collective memories. In this regard, these proposals emerge as direct responses to the imperative of qualifying public space as a site of lingering, social encounter, and belonging. By fostering lingering, safety, and the symbolic appropriation of the territory, these interventions suggest that pedestrian movement is an act of experiencing the city in its fullness—of being seen, welcomed, and integrated (Gehl, 2015; Jacobs, 2011). Chart 2 presents the proposals associated with this symbolic dimension of mobility.

Chart 2
– Proposals linked to the theme “place”

.
1. Enhancement of the urban ambience through the installation of seating and green spaces in Tiradentes Square.	8. Integrate public lighting and benches to promote safety and social permanence.
2. Install benches in public transport waiting areas.	9. Replace car parking spaces with green areas and rest zones.
3. Strengthen and expand public lighting along pedestrian pathways.	10. Implement signage to mitigate conflicts between pedestrians and vehicles.
4. Illuminate the alleys connecting to the Antônio Dias neighborhood.	11. Promote cultural programming equipped with seating infrastructure.
5. Provide comprehensive public lighting for streets with high pedestrian volumes.	12. Enhanced lighting coverage for pedestrians.
6. Install waste bins and optimize waste collection processes.	13. Establish dedicated outdoor spaces for board games.
7. Restore and enhance the value of historic fountains.

Among the proposals, the regeneration of Tiradentes Square (proposal 1) stands out through the installation of urban furniture and the reintroduction of green areas. This intervention aims to recover the social and symbolic ambience of the space, transforming it once again into a place for lingering, resting, and meeting. Discussions with participants highlighted memories of a more humanized square, where the presence of trees, shade, and benches encouraged social interaction. This perception is corroborated by historical photographic records analyzed by Alves (2017), which show the progressive replacement of the social use of the square by the prioritization of individual motorized transport, especially from the 1980s onwards (Figure 6). This process, by reducing the time spent in and symbolic interaction with the space, compromises the square's identity function – a phenomenon that Lefebvre (1991) already pointed out as an expression of the capitalist production of urban space. Thus, the proposal represents an effort to restore the symbolic value of this public space as a territory of encounters and meanings.

Figure 6
– Changes in the ambience of Tiradentes Square in Ouro Preto (Minas Gerais)

Furthermore, proposals aimed at expanding street furniture and the improvement of public lighting were also emphasized – measures that, when integrated, promote physical accessibility, symbolic recognition, and a sense of belonging to the space. The installation of benches at strategic locations (proposals 1 and 2) was frequently cited, reflecting the necessity of ensuring rest stops along the route, particularly in a city with a rugged topography such as Ouro Preto. The absence of these resting places compromises the right to the city, as it inhibits the stay and the enjoyment of public spaces imbued with affective meaning (Alves et al., 2021). As evidenced by the application of the ICCH, only 13 of the 120 segments analyzed (10.8%) featured seating, and 9 of these (69.2%) were in a poor state of conservation (Figure 7) – signaling a neglect of the needs of the older adult population. Furthermore, the installation of benches at Boarding and Alighting Points (PEDs) has direct implications for the implementation of the right to free public transportation as mandated by Law n. 14,423/2022, reinforcing the importance of this measure in ensuring dignified and comfortable mobility (Brazil, 2022).

Figure 7
– Public seating lacking backrests, featuring inadequate height and poor maintenance

The proposal to revise and expand public lighting (proposals 3, 4, 5, 8, and 12) also features prominently, focusing on pedestrian areas and alleys utilized as alternative routes, such as those connecting to the Antônio Dias neighborhood. This region contains one of the city's highest concentrations of older adults and was identified as an area of increasing insecurity, both real and perceived. Adequate lighting contributes directly to the perceived sense of security and the inclination to utilize public space during the nocturnal period; it is particularly relevant for older adults, who typically exhibit greater vulnerability to falls and incidents of urban violence (Haans and Kort, 2012; Welsh and Farrington, 2008). As highlighted by Kaplan and Chalfin (2021), the presence of light represents more than a physical intervention; it communicates care and recognition, enhancing confidence in walking and contributing to the strengthening of affective ties with the territory.

This symbolic dimension of the urban infrastructure also emerged from the testimonies gathered during the participatory process. The challenges faced by older adults in their daily journeys extend far beyond physical barriers, manifesting in the way the city is perceived and experienced. Fear, constant vigilance, and a sense of vulnerability constitute silent experiences that are profoundly determinant of everyday mobility. One of the most striking accounts was provided by a participant over the age of 60, who reported having suffered more than fifty falls in various parts of the city – approximately fifteen of which occurred on the very street where she resides. This experience compromises their confidence in the urban space and alters their relationship with time and territory: on rainy days, for example, she reported avoiding leaving home, for fear of slipping and injuring herself again.

According to Zijlstra et al. (2007), the recurring fear of falling transforms the city into a territory of constant vigilance. Under such conditions, the act of walking ceases to be spontaneous and is instead guided by self- -protection strategies, such as avoiding certain routes, depending on companions, or restricting oneself to favorable weather conditions. This behavioral adaptation, frequently rendered invisible in technical analyses, reveals a logic of containment that compromises the right to the city. As noted by Delbaere et al. (2010), such adjustments affect functional autonomy and negatively impact the quality of life of older adults, presenting symbolic barriers as potent as physical obstacles. The proposal to enhance lighting, therefore, acquires multiple meanings: beyond facilitating safe walking, it represents a strategy of symbolic repair. Illuminating these routes – especially those characterized by insecurity – also serves to illuminate the presence of those who are typically marginalized in urban design.

Proposals 9 and 10, which address the reorganization of road use and the mitigation of conflict between pedestrians and vehicles, evidence a collective effort to reposition urban mobility through the lens of care and spatial justice. By proposing the reconfiguration of spaces defined by disputes between different modes of transport, such actions suggest an inversion of the predominant functionalist logic of circulation, prioritizing walking as a civic and existential practice. In this same vein, proposals such as the creation of intergenerational conviviality spaces (proposal 13) and the promotion of weekend cultural programming (proposal 11) reveal a shared desire for a city more open to social encounters, to a slower pace of life, and to the cultivation of affective ties. The installation of outdoor board games, for example, transcends mere entertainment: it activates sociability, encourages staying, and reinscribes the urban space as a symbolic territory of belonging, exchange, and continuity of bonds throughout aging (WHO, 2007).

Although some older adults report having adapted to the adverse conditions of the urban environment, this adaptation should be interpreted with caution. Rather than a sign of contentment, it expresses a form of resilient resistance developed in contexts where public policies have historically neglected the safety and mobility of this population. It represents an active response to the absence of institutionalized care – a way of resisting, through the body, a city that frequently denies its presence. In contrast, tourists traversing the historic center – devoid of the affective ties woven into daily life – demonstrate greater discomfort and insecurity, revealing the power of subjective relations in the way urban space is experienced (Urry, 2007). This divergence in perception underscores the complexity of symbolic mobility, which is rooted in codes of recognition, familiarity, and urban legibility. The visitor's discomfort stems not only from a lack of accessibility but from an absence of signs of urban hospitality – marks that communicate belonging, orientation, and welcome. Thus, the visitor becomes symbolically displaced: an individual to whom the city offers neither legibility nor care.

Finally, the proposals grouped under the theme of “environment” reinforce a collective concern regarding the sensory and ecological quality of public spaces (Chart 3). Transcending mere infrastructure, these actions emphasize ambience, landscaping, sanitation, and maintenance as essential elements for the dignity of walking and the well-being of pedestrians. The set of interventions aimed at enhancing the Horto dos Contos park (proposals 19 and 20) is particularly prominent, reaffirming the role of this space as a place of leisure, identity, and intergenerational encounter. Proposal 6 complements this axis by addressing the urgent need to resolve the sanitation issues still present at the site, ensuring its full functionality and the environmental security necessary for it to effectively serve as a territory of conviviality and care.

Chart 3
– Proposals linked to the theme “environment”

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14. Install seating, afforestation, and street furniture.	18. Implement eco-points for selective waste collection.
15. Implement landscaping to enhance thermal comfort and aesthetic appeal.	19. Conduct basic sanitation works in the Horto dos Contos.
16. Improve sidewalks by integrating accessibility and landscaping.	20. Maintain continuous cleaning and stewardship of the Horto dos Contos.
17. Install waste bins and widen sidewalks on high-traffic thoroughfares	21. Close São José Street to motor vehicles on Sundays for pedestrian use.

Other relevant actions focus on enhancing the urban ambience through the installation of seating, afforestation, and landscaping (proposals 14 and 15), with a particular emphasis on proposal 14, which aims to regenerate a section of Padre Rolim Street (Figure 8). This intervention aims to restore the vitality of a space previously characterized by commercial activity, sociability, and community practices. The accounts of the participants in the Geodesign workshop reinforced the desire to reclaim these everyday dynamics, highlighting the importance of wooded environments and the active involvement of residents in the maintenance of green spaces. Such participation, as noted by Kabisch, Van den Bosch and Lafortezza (2017), has a direct impact on promoting well-being, mental health, and a sense of belonging in old age. By connecting urban infrastructure and affective ties with territory, these proposals demonstrate that ambience is not merely an aesthetic concern, but serves as a fundamental condition for conviviality and quality of life in public space (Gehl, 2015).

Figure 8
– Section of Padre Rolim Street in 2024

The issue of urban cleanliness also emerges with emphasis, especially regarding the installation of trash cans in strategic locations. This demand is associated with recurring problems of solid waste accumulation in places like Senador Rocha Lagoa street, as reported by participants, even though this reality was not captured in the field observation (stage 2 process). This divergence reinforces the importance of integrating technical data with the population's perceptions for a more accurate understanding of the terrain. Finally, proposals such as number 21 – which suggests opening São José street on Sundays for the exclusive use of pedestrians – broaden the notion of environment by considering the temporary and symbolic use of public space as a strategy for leisure, encounters, and citizen appropriation.

This symbolic dimension of public space is also manifested in accounts of travel for religious purposes, which illustrate the tension between cultural belonging and physical accessibility. In Ouro Preto, religiosity constitutes an identity trait, materialized in liturgical celebrations and processions that involve a significant portion of the population. However, the need to traverse steep streets with irregular paving represents a major obstacle, compromising the participation of older adults in these rituals that serve as both manifestations of faith and collective experiences of memory.

In this regard, the proposals linked to the theme of “movement” reveal a collective effort to reconnect older adults to the urban fabric in a safe, fluid, and dignified manner (Chart 4). Among the most prominent suggestions is the installation of handrails on streets with steep gradients. The presence of continuous supports serves, simultaneously, as both physical and symbolic support, communicating care, attention, and inclusion (Wahland Oswald, 2010). Furthermore, for locations where such equipment is already present, participants emphasized the need for expansion to ensure route continuity and prevent unexpected interruptions. As Kaufmann (2002) notes, route predictability plays a fundamental role for older adults by reducing anxiety regarding the urban space and reinforcing a sense of autonomy.

Chart 4
– Proposals linked to the theme “movement”

.
22. Leveling of sidewalks and elimination of obstacles along the route.	28. Pedestrianize Teixeira Amaral Street during week ends.
23. Install guardrails along walls and topographical variations.	29. Install sheltered and ergonomic seating at bus stops.
24. Expand sidewalk widths in areas characterized by conflict or high pedestrian density.	30. Rehabilitate paving and integrate ramps into existing stairways.
25. Install accessibility ramps for wheelchair users.	31. Install handrails on steep gradients.
26. Construct pedestrian footbridges at critical crossing points.	32. Demarcate slippery surfaces and install physical supports.
27. Construct paved walkways in areas currently lacking pedestrian infrastructure.	33. Implement pedestrian crosswalks in critical road segments.

In this same vein, the reconfiguration of hazardous intersections, with an emphasis on the reduced walking speed of older adults, was presented as an essential measure (proposal 33). Participants reported feeling pressured to cross rapidly, a requirement inconsistent with their physical conditions that significantly heightens the perception of risk. This situation is exacerbated at critical nodes such as Tiradentes Square and the area fronting the Bus Terminal, where heavy vehicular volume, coupled with a lack of adequate signage, renders crossing particularly hazardous. In Tiradentes Square, for instance, traffic accidents were recorded – including at least one fatality – according to reports from Geodesign workshop participants. The width of the thoroughfare and the complexity of vehicular movements render crossing both protracted and unsafe.

The proposal to implement pedestrian crossings in these sectors emerges as a fundamental mechanism to regulate flows and signal right-of-way priority, while symbolically affirming the collective right to the city (Figure 9). As Cresswell (2010) contends, urban temporalities must be conceived beyond the logic of speed, incorporating diverse rhythms and promoting more equitable forms of coexistence within public space. Similarly, Imrie (2012) emphasizes that urban planning must recognize mobility as a dimension of citizenship, particularly for groups that depend on public infrastructure to move with safety and autonomy. The experience of São José Street, where pedestrian crossings were implemented in accordance with local architectural patterns, offers a viable reference that is sensitive to the urban landscape of Ouro Preto.

Figure 9
– Square intersection where the installation and improvement of sidewalks were proposed

The mitigation of uneven sidewalk surfaces was identified as a priority measure to prevent falls and enhance the sense of autonomy during journeys. These minor obstacles, often rendered invisible by the logic of the productivist city, operate as silent barriers to everyday mobility, demanding constant vigilance and restricting freedom of movement. Symbolic mobility, in this context, is compromised by a lack of confidence in trajectory (Reis and Véras, 2024). The simple act of walking accompanied becomes a challenge given the narrow sidewalks, pronounced unevenness, and elements such as poorly positioned utility poles (Figure 10). Such physical barriers dismantle the sense of coexistence and belonging within the urban space.

Figure 10
– Section of Senador Rocha Lagoa Street (Rua das Flores)

In this scenario, the perception of risk acquires centrality. Wahl and Oswald (2010) emphasize that this perception is a determinant factor in the aging process within cities, directly influencing mobility choices and restrictions. This constitutes a subtle yet potent form of social exclusion, as it limits walking, compromises participation in community activities, and hinders access to cultural and affective ties. Thus, falls and the fear of falling cease to be isolated events and become indicators of a structural disconnection between the urban environment and the specific needs of the aging population. Public space, which should foster encounter and care, is transformed into a territory of threat, compromising active aging and social inclusion (Tinetti and Powell, 1993; WHO, 2007).

In light of this, a significant body of proposals focused on the improvement of sidewalk paving, particularly along the steepest gradients, which are recognized as high-risk areas for falls. It is essential to underscore that such proposals do not conflict with the preservation of historical heritage; rather, they reinforce the premise that accessibility and conservation can – and must – coexist synergistically. The enhancement of local aesthetics, coupled with the functional adaptation of space, reveals a more integrated and sensitive understanding of the city, where the promotion of mobility for older adults is articulated alongside respect for urban memory and identity.

Adherence, validation, and potential impacts

In evaluating each proposal regarding its adherence to the ICCH walkability indicators (selected in Stage 2) and its coverage of the sidewalk segments analyzed during the same process, an uneven distribution was observed across the three thematic axes. Within the “movement” unit, 61.5% of the indicators were met, yet only 25.8% of the segments were addressed. Regarding the “place” theme, an inverse pattern was observed: despite only 30% of the indicators being met, more than half of the segments (53.8%) were encompassed by the proposals. This result reinforces the relational, sensitive, and inclusive nature of this axis, which is centered on the lived experience of the urban space. Finally, the “environment” theme recorded a high rate of technical adherence (61.5%) but a low incidence across the analyzed segments (9.2%), suggesting that proposals in this domain possessed limited territorial applicability despite being technically robust.

Sub-stage 4.3, “Dialogue, comments and suggestions,” evidenced the participants’ engagement in the qualification of the proposals. Of the 36 formulated ideas, 9 (25.0%) received comments highlighting the necessity of careful placement of urban equipment to avoid compromising other aspects of walkability. Adaptations for different urban contexts were also suggested, demonstrating the replicable potential of the proposed solutions. In sub-stage 4.4, “voting,” the participatory process was consolidated through the collective validation of the proposals. The approval rates were significant: 88.0% for the “movement” theme; 84.0% for “place”; and 79.0% for “environment”. It is noteworthy that three proposals within the thematic unit “place” failed to reach the minimum 60% approval threshold and were consequently rejected. Among the rejected proposals, two pertained to the free use of restrooms in bank branches by older adults, which the participants deemed inappropriate. The third proposal concerned the installation of rest seating at a specific point on São José Street that was already equipped with a bench.

The rejection of certain ideas was anticipated by the mediators, given the diversity of the participant group, which comprised individuals with distinct life experiences, professional backgrounds, and physical conditions. The frequency of active mobility on foot and the personal relationship with the territory directly influenced the evaluative framework applied to the proposals by each participant. Nevertheless, this plurality proved to be a constructive element, facilitating the emergence of manifold interpretations of identical urban challenges and fostering a more nuanced and profound discourse. Notwithstanding these differences, a robust alignment toward a collective objective was observed, as evidenced by the high approval rating of the proposals (91.7%). This underscores the capacity for strategic articulation and consensus-building within the co-creation process.

Overall, the proposals developed during the Geodesign workshop were characterized by their simplicity, feasibility, and alignment with everyday requirements. During the final phase of the process (sub-stage 4.5), participants emphasized the direct impact of these solutions on their daily routines. One of the testimonies captures this sentiment well: “It is about practicality; it is the pain of those who experience dislocation within the city, which differs from the perspective of those who only come to visit; we experience the city [Ouro Preto] in the sun, in the rain, and through all seasons of the year”. This statement underscores the importance of incorporating the lived experience of residents when formulating proposals for active mobility.

Regarding walkability criteria, the most frequently cited aspect was accessibility on sidewalks, reflecting a collective perception that prevailing standards are not being upheld in the local context. This was followed by the themes of public lighting, paving, and sanitation, each associated with eight distinct proposals. Regarding lighting, the results corroborate the negative evaluations obtained during the in loco analysis. While sanitation and paving were not identified as critical issues in the preceding stage, they emerged frequently in the suggestions, highlighting their significance for the participants.

Final considerations

Walking is an act of belonging; thus, planning the city alongside those who walk is to recognize this sense of belonging. Based on this premise, this study maintained that the symbolic mobility of older adults in heritage cities involves the continuous reaffirmation of affective ties and identity with the territory. The walking experience of older adults is deeply rooted in sensitive and cultural aspects, particularly within complex urban contexts such as historic centers. In cities of the Global South, characterized by population aging and exclusionary urban infrastructure, this perspective becomes increasingly relevant for revealing the multiple barriers – both material and symbolic – that constrain the right to the city.

The application of Geodesign and the collective development of proposals demonstrated that modest interventions – such as benches, handrails, and signage – can acquire profound significance when aligned with the lived experiences of older adults. These actions not only facilitate mobility but also restore the right to remain and participate in urban life. The interface between the ICCH and participatory technological tools, such as GeodesignBRA, underscores the necessity of instruments attuned to local singularities. The results align with the guidelines of Global Age-friendly Cities: A Guide (WHO, 2007) and SDG 11 of the 2030 Agenda by promoting more accessible, safe, and inclusive urban environments. Beyond mere physical adaptations, it involves constructing cities that value pedestrian diversity and modes of life across all ages.

It is fundamental to recognize that aging occurs unevenly, intersected by social markers such as gender, race, and class. In historic centers, the challenges presented by aging are intensified by the tension between heritage preservation and social inclusion. An urbanism committed to intergenerational justice must negotiate these dimensions, recognizing heritage as a living stage for social experience. In cities of the Global South, the invisibility of older adults in urban agendas reinforces historically produced structural inequalities. Planning inclusive cities for aging therefore requires a perspective that reconciles memory, mobility, and social justice. By integrating active listening, technology, and participation, this study contributes to strengthening public policies committed to the dignity, permanence, and active presence of older adults within urban territories.

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• Data availability statement:
  The entire data set supporting the results of this study is contained within the article

Edited by

• Editors:
  Lucia Bógus and
  Luiz César de Queiroz Ribeiro

• Organizers of this issue:
  Ana Marcela Ardila Pinto,
  Carlos Fernando Ferreira Lobo,
  Natália Villamizar Duarte

Data availability

The entire data set supporting the results of this study is contained within the article

Publication Dates

• Publication in this collection
  15 June 2026
• Date of issue
  May-Aug 2026

History

• Received
  30 June 2025
• Accepted
  24 Sept 2025