Older adults’ daily mobility: evidence from walking interviews

Abstract

Population aging in Brazil is unfolding primarily in urban areas. As individuals grow older, their mobility tends to become limited to the home and its surroundings. Considering the paradigm of aging in place, this exploratory study examines the mobility, accessibility, and walkability of older adults at the neighborhood level in the city of Campinas, state of São Paulo. The study is based on walking interviews combined with maps, photographs, GPS tracking, and field observation. Qualitative findings align with the existing literature, suggesting that personal factors such as gender, income, skin color, and age, as well as availability of destinations, access to public transportation or private vehicles, safety, social interaction, land-use diversity, and aesthetic aspects influence older adults’ daily mobility and overall quality of life.

Keywords:
environmental gerontology; qualitative research; active mobility; cities for people; right to the city

Resumo

O envelhecimento populacional brasileiro ocorre majoritariamente em áreas urbanas. Com o avanço da idade, os deslocamentos do indivíduo tendem a se restringir ao domicílio e entorno imediato. Considerando o paradigma do aging in place, este trabalho exploratório discute a mobilidade, acessibilidade e caminhabilidade da população idosa na escala do bairro, no contexto da cidade de Campinas, no estado de São Paulo (SP). Utilizou-se a técnica de entrevista caminhada, combinada a mapas, fotos, rastreador0 GPS e à observação direta. Resultados qualitativos convergem com a literatura existente, sugerindo que fatores pessoais, como gênero, renda, cor, idade, além de disponibilidade de destinos, acesso a transporte público ou carro, segurança, socialização, diversidade de usos do solo e aspectos estéticos influenciam os deslocamentos cotidianos e a qualidade de vida das pessoas idosas.

Palavras-chave:
gerontologia ambiental; pesquisa qualitativa; mobilidade ativa; cidades para pessoas; direito à cidade

Introduction

Population aging is an ongoing process in Brazil. The country has already moved beyond the demographic dividend and now has a larger proportion of people aged 60 years and older than children up to nine years of age (IBGE, 2025). This phenomenon unfolds predominantly in urban areas, given that most of the Brazilian population lives in cities, nearly 90%, often concentrated in large metropolitan regions or regional urban centers, as is the case in the state of São Paulo. In this context, urban centers become the primary setting for the experience of aging, which poses new challenges for the organization of urban space and the formulation of public policies.

Among the many constraints faced in large Brazilian cities, accessibility, mobility, and walkability emerge as critical issues, particularly for older adults. The shortcomings of public transport systems, characterized by long travel times, low service frequency, and poor integration between modes, combined with urban infrastructure that is unfavorable to walking, significantly affect the autonomy and quality of life of older adults. Narrow or poorly maintained sidewalks, long distances to basic services, traffic insecurity, and urban crime are common examples of barriers encountered in cities. These conditions may contribute to the loss of functional capacity, which is compounded by age related declines.

This is because advancing age is associated with a progressive reduction in functional capacity, defined by the World Health Organization as the result of the interaction between individuals’ intrinsic capacities and the environment in which they live (WHO, 2015). Intrinsic capacity refers to a set of individual attributes related to five domains and their respective variables: cognition, locomotion, psychological, vitality, and sensory domains (Cesari et al., 2018). The environment, in turn, can be distinguished as natural, built, and social, each with its own elements that may act as barriers or facilitators to active and healthy aging and to the promotion of quality of life and well being among older adults (Zhang and Li, 2019).

Most older adults wish to remain in their homes and neighborhoods as they grow older, a strategy known as aging in place (Fonseca, 2020). In Brazil, although there is a lack of research on older adults’ preferences, the fact that only 0.5% of the older population resides in long term care institutions (IBGE, 2025) indicates that aging in place is already a reality for the vast majority.

As aging progresses, there is a gradual reduction in daily mobility, with movements increasingly restricted to the home and its immediate surroundings (Kubo, Komaki and Tanaka, 2020). For this reason, it is essential to analyze conditions of accessibility, walkability, and mobility at the neighborhood scale, where a large share of older adults’ everyday life takes place. Beyond ensuring adequate sidewalks or accessible transport, it is necessary to consider the proximity and availability of meaningful destinations, such as retail, health services, and social networks, that support active and autonomous living.

This article discusses the conditions of mobility, accessibility, and walkability of older adults who are aging in place, from a territorial perspective at the neighborhood scale. The objective is to understand, based on the lived experiences of these individuals, how the neighborhood environment facilitates or hinders daily mobility. The article draws on frameworks from Environmental Gerontology and the concept of aging in place, presenting partial results from an ongoing research project designed as a case study. The study employed instruments such as walking interviews, maps, photographs, and observations. The study included eight older adults living in Campinas, São Paulo. This article examines two emblematic cases in depth.

Campinas is one of Brazil’s 15 largest cities, with approximately 1.1 million inhabitants, and older adults account for 18.4% of its population, a proportion higher than the national average (IBGE, 2025). The municipality’s historical model of land use and occupation has resulted in socio--spatial segregation that manifests, as noted by Silva and Samora (2019), in “the presence of two distinct cities within the same territory, one poor and one wealthy.” This pattern is reflected in the more favorable distribution of resources and infrastructure from the city center toward the northeast, and the opposite situation toward the southwest, with the Anhanguera Highway serving as a major marker of these inequalities (Rolnik et al., 2015).

Although challenges related to the environment and aging have been widely discussed in recent years, research has predominantly focused on the Global North and on Asian contexts, where population aging began earlier. Studies in Brazil and other Latin American countries remain scarce, yet they are essential in light of the rapid growth of the older population combined with an urban reality marked by persistent social inequalities, precarious transport systems, informal neighborhoods, and urban violence. In this context, this article seeks to contribute to the literature by exploring a methodological approach and presenting qualitative findings on the urban experiences of older adults in a large Brazilian city, with a focus on accessibility, mobility, and walkability at the neighborhood scale.

Theoretical framework

This study is theoretically grounded in Environmental Gerontology and the concept of aging in place, and with a specific focus on the analysis of data derived from walking interviews, an integrative literature review was conducted to identify key factors associated with older adults’ mobility, accessibility, and walkability at the neighborhood scale.

Using the Publish or Perish software, the literature review drew on the Scopus and Google Scholar databases. Searches were carried out in May 2025 and limited to full, peer-reviewed articles published in English, Spanish, or Portuguese between 2015 and 2025, with no geographic restrictions. Search terms comprised “environmental gerontology OR aging in place” AND “neighborhood” AND “accessibility OR mobility OR walkability,” including linguistic equivalents in English, Spanish, and Portuguese. A total of 153 publications were initially identified. After removing duplicates, articles in other languages, and records without full-text availability, 88 publications remained eligible. Abstract screening resulted in 54 articles considered relevant to the study objectives, which were subsequently subjected to full-text analysis and data systematization.

The analysis revealed that most studies were published after 2020 (79.6%), with the majority originating from North America, the United Kingdom, and Europe (approximately 50%), followed by Asia (34%). This geographic distribution highlights the relative scarcity of studies conducted in Latin America. Quantitative approaches predominated, followed by literature reviews, whereas qualitative studies were less frequent, pointing to a methodological gap in the field. The following sections briefly outline the theoretical foundations of Environmental Gerontology and aging in place, as well as the key dimensions of accessibility, mobility, and walkability at the neighborhood scale identified through the integrative review.

Environmental gerontology and aging in place

Environmental Gerontology is an interdisciplinary field that examines the interactions between older adults and the environments in which they live. The concept of person – environment fit posits that an individual’s health, well-being, performance, and comfort depend on the degree of correspondence or balance between personal capacities and environmental demands or pressures (Yang and Stone, 2024). Lawton and Nahemow (1973) introduced the Ecological Theory of Aging, including the competence – press model, which has informed numerous theoretical frameworks and empirical studies over time, particularly in countries of the Global North (Herbolsheimer et al., 2020).

More recently, Chaudhury and Oswald (2019) proposed a comprehensive and integrative approach that interrelates three aspects of person environment interaction: (1) components, including individual characteristics, social factors, the built physical environment, and technological systems; (2) processes, namely agency and belonging; and (3) outcomes, captured by concepts such as identity and autonomy, social participation, and well being. The authors also emphasize that this interaction changes over time, taking into account both a life course and narrative perspective and broader sociocultural transformations.

From a gerontological perspective, the concept of aging in place emerges, referring to older adults’ ability to remain in their homes and communities safely and independently throughout the aging process. Although the concept has been disseminated since the 1970s, its definition remains ambiguous and varies across contexts. Forsyth and Molinsky (2020) identified seven definitions of the term, grouping them into three categories: place-related definitions (never move; stay put as long as possible; stay in the same vicinity); services based definitions (stay out of nursing homes; not move between aged care facilities); and definitions related to control (have choices; live out a multifaceted policy ideal)

Among place-centered definitions, remaining within the same neighborhood reflects older adults’ desire to preserve social networks and place-based connections, even when relocation to another dwelling becomes necessary. This perspective is supported by Wiles et al. (2011), who argue that aging in place encompasses functional, symbolic, and social dimensions, involving a strong sense of belonging and identity. Similarly, Lewis and Buffel (2020) emphasize that support networks, the quality of social ties, spatial accessibility, and community support are key factors sustaining the desire to remain in place, even in the context of urban and demographic change.

As people age, mobility tends to become progressively limited to the home and its immediate surroundings (Kubo, Komaki and Tanaka, 2020). In this context, the neighborhood emerges as a key spatial reference, functioning not only as a physical environment but also as a setting for everyday practices, social interaction, and identity formation. At this scale, daily mobility is concentrated, and the enabling or constraining features of the urban environment become more clearly perceptible. In addition, neighborhood conditions have been shown to play an important role in supporting both physical and mental health (Liu et al., 2024). From a gerontological perspective, this underscores the importance of assessing accessibility, mobility, and walkability at the neighborhood scale.

Accessibility: beyond physical barriers

The term accessibility has traditionally been associated with the absence of physical barriers in the built environment, with the aim of facilitating people’s mobility through spaces, especially for those with some form of disability. It is a topic widely addressed in Architecture and Urban Planning and supported by legislation and technical standards (Mercader Moyano et al., 2020; Ramírez Saiz et al., 2022). This understanding, however, needs to be broadened.

Geurs and Wee (2023) argue that accessibility encompasses multiple dimensions and measurement approaches and is shaped by four components: land use, transport, time availability, and individual aspects such as personal needs and sociodemographic characteristics. Beyond objective conditions, the experience of accessibility also varies according to individual knowledge, preferences, and lived experiences.

In the gerontological literature, accessibility is understood as a crucial determinant of independence, life satisfaction, and aging in place, closely associated with the concept of proximity (Fallon and Price, 2020). It enables older adults to meet daily needs, access essential services such as health care, retail, and transportation, and participate in social and community activities in so-called third places (Lee and Tan, 2023). For individuals with functional limitations, both physical accessibility and access to public transportation are fundamental to community participation. Street connectivity, sidewalk quality, and adequate lighting function as enabling factors, whereas physical barriers – such as changes in level, the absence of ramps or handrails, irregular topography, and narrow or constrained spaces – negatively affect mobility capacity (Mercader Moyano et al., 2020).

A distinction is commonly made between objective and perceived accessibility. Objective accessibility refers to measurable attributes such as the presence, distance, and availability of environmental features and services, often assessed using geographic data – such as Geographic Information Systems – or through environmental audits (Jiaxuan et al., 2025). Perceived accessibility, in contrast, is a subjective dimension grounded in individuals’ awareness, feelings, evaluations, and lived experiences related to their environment (Liu et al., 2024). Although related, these two dimensions do not always correspond: an environment that is objectively accessible may still be perceived as unsafe or threatening. Nevertheless, both are essential for understanding older adults’ interactions with their surroundings. Objective and perceived accessibility are shaped by individual characteristics, including health status, functional capacity, and limitations in mobility, cognition, and sensory perception – such as vision – as well as by financial circumstances (Filipovič Hrast, Sendi, and Kerbler, 2023). Perceptions of safety and insecurity further influence how environments are interpreted and how individuals behave within them (Bailey Catalán et al., 2019).

In Dalian, China, a study of 879 older adults assessed objective accessibility by measuring the shortest distances from participants’ homes to different types of nearby services, including supermarkets, banks, and restaurants, and compared these metrics with residents’ subjective perceptions (Yue et al., 2022). The findings revealed a positive association between accessibility and older adults’ mental well- -being. Higher levels of access were also linked to more favorable perceptions of the surrounding environment, which, in turn, contributed to greater overall satisfaction.

In the context of the Global South – particularly in large metropolitan areas – this relationship becomes more complex due to urban informality and the uneven distribution of basic infrastructure and public services across neighborhoods. A study conducted in Santiago, Chile (Vecchio, Medina, and Steiniger, 2025), employing cluster analysis of census data, demonstrated that the city exhibits markedly unequal access to opportunities as a result of the spatially imbalanced distribution of points of interest. This scenario results in poor walkability and hinders the ability of older adults to carry out daily activities. Such findings underscore the central role of mobility and the importance of providing high-quality public transport at the neighborhood scale.

Mobility and its multiple dimensions

Mobility can be defined as the ability to move within an environment and between different places, whether at the scale of the home, the neighborhood, the city, or even to more distant destinations (Hansmann, Deemer and Robert, 2024; Mariotti, Burlando and Landi, 2021). Such movement can occur through different modes, including walking, cycling, public transport, and private vehicles. The World Health Organization and the United Nations have advocated for the maintenance of mobility in later life as a contribution to active and healthy aging.

At the individual level, within the intrinsic capacity approach, mobility involves the dimension of locomotion, including balance, gait, and muscular strength among older adults (Cesari et al., 2018). In relation to the environment, mobility in later life is understood as a variable that can affect the use of community facilities (Wang et al., 2025). On the one hand, maintaining mobility allows older adults to access relevant places and services of their choice and to engage socially, thereby contributing to autonomy and independence. On the other hand, reduced mobility is a predictor of physical disability and is associated with higher risks of falls, institutionalization, and mortality (Maresova et al., 2023).

For older adults, aging in place presupposes the ability to move around their homes and neighborhoods in order to avoid social isolation. However, personal and environmental factors may either facilitate or constrain mobility. There is a well established association between mobility and health status, including functional capacity, frailty, physical and cognitive limitations, as well as subjective factors (Maresova et al., 2023; Wang et al., 2025; Yang and Stone, 2024). Relevant environmental aspects include higher population density and land use diversity (Hess et al., 2016), accessibility and proximity of destinations, sidewalk quality (Rossi, Mariotti and Pantelaki, 2023), safety and security (Hansmann, Deemer and Robert, 2024), and aesthetic and environmental factors (Jiaxuan et al., 2025).

Szanton et al. (2024) discuss mobility based on the concepts of life space, defined as a measure of an individual’s ability to move and engage with environments beyond the home, and activity space, which captures spatial behavior and destinations, including social support networks. These spaces may extend across different geographic scales, shaping mobility at micro or macro levels. Ramirez Saiz et al. (2022) address micromobility, which refers to short trips with an average duration of approximately ten minutes, undertaken by cycling or walking, with walking being more common among older adults.

Despite the importance of walking, not all trips can be made on foot, either because destinations are beyond walking distance or due to personal limitations. The availability of public transport is therefore central to mobility, as not all older adults own a private vehicle or hold a valid driving license, and others may need to stop driving due to adverse health conditions (Hess et al., 2016). In Brazil, the Federal Constitution and the Statute of Older Adults guarantee free access to urban and semiurban public transport from the age of 65, which represents a significant advantage, particularly for lower income groups.

In Singapore, Tan et al. (2024) found that the availability of nearby bus and rail services at affordable prices strengthened older adults’ participation in cultural, recreational, and social activities. Conversely, perceived inadequacies in the public transport system may discourage older adults from using it (Rossi, Mariotti and Pantelaki, 2023). A study conducted in Milan and Genoa with 411 older adults (Mariotti, Burlando and Landi, 2021) indicated that the main reasons for discontinuing the use of local public transport were perceptions of insecurity and dissatisfaction with vehicle infrastructure.

Walkability and the neighborhood scale

The concept of walkability, emerged within Environmental Gerontology in the 1970s and gained prominence through movements such as New Urbanism and sustainable cities, as well as through the concept of the city of proximity (Kan, Forsyth and Molinsky et al., 2020; Ramírez Saiz et al., 2022). Walkability is linked to the ease and convenience of moving on foot within a neighborhood or urban environment and can be understood as a measure of how much the built environment supports and encourages walking (Asiamah et al., 2023).

Walkability is presented as a crucial component of local accessibility and an essential facilitator for older adults to meet their daily needs, access services, and participate in social activities (Redelmeier et al., 2023; Tao et al., 2021). It is considered an important factor for aging in place and is associated with better health and well being outcomes, as well as with higher levels of physical activity (Liu et al., 2024; Todd et al., 2016; Van Holle et al., 2016). Walking distances commonly cited for older adults range from 10 to 20 minutes or approximately 400 to 500 meters (Nishino, 2021; Peters et al., 2020), although there is no clear consensus on this issue.

The main built environment attributes associated with walkability include proximity and pedestrian accessibility to destinations and services (Hasselder et al., 2022), as well as land-use diversity (Del Aguila, 2021). Walkability is further shaped by the quality of pedestrian infrastructure, including safe, continuous, level, and well-maintained sidewalks; adequate lighting; benches or resting areas; safe pedestrian crossings; and accessibility features such as ramps and handrails. Street connectivity and safety also play a key role, particularly in relation to traffic conditions, vehicle speed, and fall prevention (Finlay et al., 2025; Loo et al., 2017). Beyond these physical attributes, pleasant environments that foster a sense of community are likewise associated with higher levels of walkability (Tan et al., 2024).

The first instruments for measuring walkability were developed in the 1980s and included systematic audit tools (Kan, Forsyth and Molinsky, 2020). Today, widely used instruments include the Neighborhood Environment Walkability Scale (News) and the Senior Walking Environmental Assessment Tool (Sweat), both tailored to older adults. Objective measures of walkability typically rely on Geographic Information Systems, environmental audits conducted in person or through satellite imagery or Street View and walk scores. Subjective measures are generally assessed through self reported data (Peters et al., 2020).

Bailey-Catalán et al. (2019) applied the News-A scale to 295 older adults in the city of Valparaíso, Chile, showing that walkability is positively associated with access to neighborhood services, street quality, and positive perceptions of the surrounding environment, while being negatively associated with crime and traffic safety. An interesting aspect of this study is that it reflects common characteristics of Latin American cities, such as the impact of neighborhood informality on street conditions, transport systems, and safety.

The scarcity of data in the Latin American context reinforces the importance of place- -based investigations that take into account the region’s urban, social, and cultural specificities. In this sense, the neighborhood, understood as a territory of life in later years, should be recognized as a central scale for both analysis and the formulation of urban policies. As aging implies a progressive restriction of spatial mobility, the neighborhood becomes the primary setting for everyday activities and the space in which autonomy, interpersonal ties, and opportunities for physical activity can still be preserved, all of which are fundamental at this stage of life.

Methodology

This article reports partial findings from an ongoing research project that adopts a multimethod approach to examine older adults’ interaction with their homes and neighborhoods. The qualitative phase was designed as a case study involving eight adults aged 60 and over, residing in different neighborhoods of Campinas, in the state of São Paulo. Participants were recruited through Vitalità, the Center for Aging and Longevity at the Pontifical Catholic University of Campinas, which offers programs and activities across the institution’s two campuses. These campuses are located in distinct areas of the city, and, accordingly, the participants are drawn from diverse urban contexts.

Multiple strategies and instruments were employed, drawing on a study conducted in Mexico (Pérez-Duarte Fernández and Enríquez Rosas, 2025). These included the collection of personal data, the application of gerontological scales, face-to-face interviews, a household survey, floor-plan drawings of the dwelling, photographs, field observation, GPS-based tracking, and walking interviews. This article focuses on the analysis of data generated through walking interviews.

This methodological strategy combines an interview with participants’ mobility through spaces of everyday life. As a qualitative technique, it provides access not only to verbal accounts but also to perceptions, reactions, and memories associated with the places encountered along the route, as well as to objective physical characteristics of the environment. Routes are generally defined by participants, foregrounding their lived experience and encouraging the emergence of situated and contextualized narratives (Lőrinc et al., 2022). As they move through the neighborhood, older adults reveal, in real time, the meanings attributed to space, the obstacles encountered, and the strategies adopted to maintain mobility and autonomy. Additional methods – such as observation, photographs, videos, and maps – support the interpretation of the findings.

Lőrinc et al. (2022) note that this methodology is particularly effective in deepening the understanding of person--environment interaction, as it captures subjective, spatial, and symbolic elements that would be unlikely to emerge in interviews conducted in enclosed settings. In addition, it contributes to valuing situated knowledge and the agency of older adults in interpreting and appropriating urban space. The authors also argue that the method is effective both for active individuals and for those with reduced mobility, since walking can be replaced by a car or bus ride, depending on participants’ needs.

Participants

Through the partnership with Vitalità, older adults who attend the project’s two units were invited to participate in the study. Thirty-five individuals expressed interest, from whom eight participants were selected, four from each unit. The selection aimed to represent different housing and urban realities, considering neighborhoods with distinct sociospatial characteristics, levels of infrastructure, and access to services. Efforts were also made to include diverse family arrangements and variations in personal characteristics, in order to capture a range of aging in place experiences. This article discusses in depth the results of two of the eight participants, selected due to their contrasting characteristics, which are particularly relevant for illustrating the diversity of aging in place in the city of Campinas.¹

Procedures

To prepare the walking interview, older participants were previously asked to indicate a route from their everyday routine to be undertaken together with the researchers. Based on this route, a map using Google Earth imagery was produced, printed, and used as support during fieldwork. A semi-structured walking interview guide was employed, consisting of 23 questions organized into four thematic blocks: (1) out-of-home habits; (2) mobility and accessibility; (3) neighborhood perception and satisfaction; and (4) community engagement. During the walk, the lead researcher conducted the interview following the guide while allowing participants to comment freely on elements of the urban environment, everyday experiences, memories, and perceptions related to the territory. All interviews were audio-recorded, subsequently transcribed, and analyzed using Atlas.ti.

Simultaneously, an assistant researcher accompanied the route with the printed map, taking notes on locations mentioned by participants and on characteristics directly observed in the environment – such as sidewalks, crossings, land uses, signage, social interactions, and local dynamics. Photographic records were also produced, capturing elements highlighted during the walk or identified as relevant for spatial analysis. In addition, the route was recorded using a GPS device (Spytec GL300), generating geolocation data (subsequently extracted via the GetHapn app) for map production, which were enriched with territorial data collected in situ. This combination of instruments – interviews, mapping, observations, photographic records, and georeferenced data – made it possible to capture older adults’ urban experience in its complexity, integrating both objective and subjective dimensions of the neighborhood.

Results

The study involved eight participants aged between 63 and 80 years, including six women and two men. All participants were independent in activities of daily living (ADL), although some reported health conditions such as diabetes, hypertension, partial visual impairment, and hearing loss. Most participants self-identified as White and lived with children/grandchildren or with a spouse. A considerable difference was observed between participants in Group I and Group II regarding socioeconomic status (calculated according to the methodology of the Brazilian Association of Research Companies – Abep) and educational level, as shown in Chart 1.

Chart 1
– Summary of participants’ characteristics

	Group I				Group II
	Marcos	Paulo	Sonia	Antônia	Ana	Márcia	Sandra	Francisca
Age	63	75	67	67	80	65	63	67
Gender	Male	Male	Female	Female	Female	Female	Female	Female
Race	White	White	White	White	Black	White	White	Brown (Parda*)
Socioeconomic level	A	A	A	B2	B2	C2	C2	C2
Education	Postgraduate degree	Postgraduate degree	Postgraduate degree	Postgraduate degree	Undergraduate degree	Incomplete primary education	Completed secondary education	Undergraduate degree
Assistive device	Glasses	Glasses	Glasses, cane	Glasses	Glasses	–	Glasses	Glasses
Household composition	Spouse	Spouse and child	Lives alone	Lives alone	Spouse	Spouse	Lives alone	Two grandchildren
Neighborhood type	Gated Community	Residential	Mixed-use	Residential	Social housing	Residential	Mixed-use	Residential
Length of residence	23 years	32 years	4 years	39 years	30 years	24 years	30 years	4 years
Primary mode of transportation	Car	Car	Car	Car	Bus and walking	Bus and walking	Car	Walking and ride-hailing app
Interview mode	Walking and car	Car	Walking	Walking	Walking	Walking	Walking and car	Walking
Distance traveled	14,8km	7,8km	0,4km	1,4km	1,1km	1,4km	5,8km	1,4km

• *Race/color categories follow the Brazilian census classification.
• Source: authors’ elaboration, in 2025.

In this article, one case from each group is discussed (Marcos from group I and Ana, from group II) in order to elucidate the differences between them. These cases are representative of socio-spatial segregation and urbanization patterns found in Campinas. Ana lives in a public housing complex developed by Cohab (Campinas Municipal Housing Company), located in the southwestern part of the city, 12 km from the city center; Marcos lives in a gated residential complex with three apartment towers in the northeastern area, adjacent to a high-end club (of which he is a member), 15 km from the city center. In addition, they differ in individual characteristics such as gender, race, and age - factors identified in the literature as relevant to person–environment interactions. Furthermore, the walking interview itself already reveals a contrast in behavior and access to opportunities: while Marcos used a car and covered 14.8 km, Ana conducted the interview on foot, along a 1.1 km route around her home.

The case of Ana

Ana’s neighborhood is predominantly residential and located on the outskirts of the city, reflecting its origins as a housing estate developed in the 1980s. Adjacent to the neighborhood, large undeveloped land parcels remain, along with a permanent preservation area (PPA) and large--scale institutional and infrastructural uses, including industrial facilities and a correctional complex. The route selected for the walking interview corresponds to a path that Ana follows daily when walking her dog, comprising five blocks from her home. The total distance covered was 1.1 km over 45 minutes. Figure 1 presents a map of the route, along with photographs of selected environmental features observed along the way, which are described below.

Figure 1
– Ana’s walking interview route and its salient environmental features

When asked about what leaving home means to her, Ana replied:

For me, at the moment, it is more of a necessity. Because at my age, as you already know, there are certain difficulties. Bus drivers do not cooperate very much; they stop away from the curb, and getting up the steps becomes more difficult for us. So, for us, it is really more of a necessity. Leisure, like going out for pleasure, only happens with the dog.

Along the route, we identified several physical barriers, such as uneven sidewalks, the absence of marked pedestrian crossings, a staircase from a private residence encroaching onto the sidewalk, construction materials, as well as the lack of trees and benches. The only commercial establishment along this route is a greengrocer, where Ana occasionally buys fruit and vegetables. There is also a public square, which she reported not frequenting. The most prominent feature is the permanent preservation area (PPA), which, despite the lack of maintenance by public authorities and the dumping of construction debris by local residents, is highly valued by Ana, who has planted several fruit trees there. She expressed a strong emotional attachment to the area and concern about the condition of the older trees:

There are three trees that are completely dried out and about to fall. During a windstorm, they could collapse and damage the fruit trees I planted. When I look at them, I think, ‘Oh my God, the day they fall I will cry so much, because they will destroy my fruit trees.’ I have soursop, jackfruit, guava, and mulberry […]

Ana’s morning walks with her dog also constitute her main form of physical activity, along with stretching exercises and household chores:

If I am in a hurry, for example, and I see that I need to go out, I come as far as the corner and then go back. He [the dog] has already done his business […] by that time I have already done a bit of exercise in bed. On days when I do not go for a long walk, I do a bit more exercise in bed. And there at home, as you mentioned, those little steps to go up and down. If I am in the laundry room, I go up to take care of one thing or another, so I am exercising.

Although the health center in the neighboring district offers group physical activities, she prefers not to participate, as she feels satisfied with walking alone: “I said, ‘I’m not going. I walk. The doctor himself told me that I was already doing the walking that was necessary”.

Along the route, we also identified relationships of trust within the neighborhood. Ana keeps a spare key with one neighbor, while another neighbor entrusted her with their own key so that she could take care of their dog while they were traveling. During the walk, Ana greeted several neighbors and stopped in front of a friend’s house, who also has a pet, to chat.

I keep a spare key with my neighbor. Sometimes he [my husband] is downstairs or in the bathroom and cannot hear, so I go to the neighbor’s house to get the key. This house here [pointing to a house] belongs to a woman who had to travel urgently to Piauí because her father was not doing well. She could not take her dog, so I told her I would come here and do whatever was needed.

According to Ana, this walking interview corresponds to the route she most frequently takes on foot in her daily life, as there are few nearby destinations that she can reach by walking. The only exception is a bakery located 450 meters from her home, which she or her husband occasionally visit when the home delivery service is unavailable:

When the bread delivery service, for one reason or another, cannot come, and we run out of bread, and I do not have the energy or the time to bake a simple cake, my husband goes instead. He goes slowly […]. It is a walk that he also chooses to do on foot as a form of exercise. And sometimes I walk up a little as well.

This route, however, is unfavorable due to its sloping topography and limited urban vitality. On one side, it is bordered by cultivated land, and on the other by a fenced wooded area. There is also a supermarket located 100 m from the bakery, which Ana uses infrequently due to higher prices.

Although Ana owns a car and holds a driver’s license, she relies primarily on public buses for trips farther from her home, as she does not feel comfortable driving long distances, particularly during peak hours or at night. Her husband, despite being an experienced driver, is no longer able to renew his license because of his age, 95 years old, and physical limitations, especially hearing loss. As a result, they use the car only on Sundays to attend church, when traffic is lighter.

Public transport use is facilitated by the presence of a bus stop 30 m from her home and another approximately 250 m away, served by several routes that connect to the terminal of a neighboring district and, from there, to other areas of the city. Ana points out that this accessibility represents an advantage, as it helps her maintain her mobility:

The buses really help a lot. Sometimes they take a while to arrive, but from my house to the neighborhood and down to the terminal, where all the routes pass, it makes things much easier. Every bus that goes by here, whether coming from there or going down from here, passes through the terminal. Route [X] goes all around the city, stops at the central market, and then comes back to the terminal. From there, I can get to where I need to go, like the dentist or the grocery store I like. For me, taking the bus isn’t just a choice, it’s a necessity. We just take whichever one comes first. Any of them.

She also mentions having built trusting relationships with the drivers of the bus lines that serve her neighborhood:

The drivers are now assigned to fixed routes, which makes a difference because they become familiar faces. Sometimes they recognize me. On the days I go into the city, such as Tuesdays, the driver looks out for me and waits if she sees me hurrying.

As the walking interview took place during the day, it was not possible to assess street lighting objectively. However, Ana expressed dissatisfaction:

After six o’clock, I lock the house and don’t go out anymore. I can’t even tell you what the street lighting is like. Our street feels a bit dark, so we tend to avoid going out or coming back late. Even though we pay for private security, we call them, you know […] going out to a birthday party, for example, hardly ever happens now. We used to go out more, but not anymore. Sometimes we would call, and when we got home, the security motorcycle would be parked on the sidewalk, watching. That doesn’t happen as much anymore, but private security still circulates in the neighborhood, and we pay a monthly fee.

From her account, it is clear that inadequate street lighting contributes to an increased sense of insecurity, limiting her mobility even though she pays for private security. In addition, Ana reported having witnessed people hiding from the police in the protected area, and she had been robbed several years ago while putting her car in the garage. These experiences have led her to modify both her behavior and her home:

I had been robbed before when our garage was at the back. We were coming home from church, got out of the car, and suddenly a man appeared right in front of it. It was shocking! We didn’t even see him coming [...]. After that, we renovated the house and moved the garage to the front. [...] Now we are more cautious. Everyone tries to make their home as safe as possible.

Despite the challenges she mentioned and her remark that the neighborhood “used to be much better” before a prison facility was built nearby, Ana feels generally content, especially because she is in a familiar environment. Her main recommendation for improvement relates to public transportation:

I guess it could be worse elsewhere. If it’s not great here, it’s probably worse somewhere else. At least here you know the place. You know the neighbors. I know a lot of them. [...] But I don’t think there are many complaints. [...] The main complaint is about the buses.

O The case of Marcos

Marcos lives in a condominium of vertical buildings located in a neighborhood dominated by high-end gated communities and, to a lesser extent, a working-class neighborhood with country properties. Being close to rural areas, the region stands out for its environmental features and historical heritage. On the other hand, due to the contiguity between the gated communities, there are long stretches of streets lined with walls, with little pedestrian traffic and low land-use diversity. The neighborhood is 15 km from the city center but offers easy access to main roads, facilitating private car travel. Bus lines also serve the area.

Although Marcos has lived in his apartment for four years, he previously lived for 19 years and he still owns a house in the horizontal gated community, which he continues to visit for socializing, sports, and leisure. For this reason, the route chosen for his walking interview started by car at the condominium entrance and became a walking route only within the complex, around the lake. After completing the interview, the route extended by car through the surroundings of the gated communities to a nearby rural area of historical interest. In total, the trajectory covered approximately 14.8 km in 1 hour and 5 minutes. Figure 2 illustrates the route and some of the observed environmental features.

Figure 2
– Route of Marcos’s walking interview and its key environmental features

Marcos leads a very active lifestyle, frequently engaging in outdoor activities such as sports, walking, and cycling. For him, remaining at home for extended periods is not a viable option: “For me, leaving home is not just leisure. I enjoy it… It is vital, extremely important. Getting sunlight, right? I don’t like being confined within four walls all the time.”

Given the characteristics of the neighborhood, his walking trips within the urban surroundings are limited to the block of his building. For longer walks, he usually goes with his wife around the lake within the gated community.

I usually, since I like to get some sun, go out, walk around the block, and then head to the gym. But most of the time, we go to the gated community and walk around the lake. It’s more pleasant there. Depending on the time, I also ride my bike. I have to go up [street name] by bike, which is quite a steep climb.

During the interview, it was evident how much Marcos appreciates the lake and surrounding green spaces, which he finds very rewarding. He recognizes that few places in the city can match the quality of this environment:

I feel grateful. It adds to my quality of life and my health. There’s so much greenery, and I enjoy being active. [...] For instance, early in the morning it’s really pleasant – you can walk around the lake and stretch outside. [...] It’s a real privilege to have this here, I have to say, it’s wonderful.

Throughout the walk, we observed the quality of the environment, the well-maintained spaces, and the close contact with nature, all of which make walking very enjoyable, even though only a small portion of the population has access to these conditions.

It is noteworthy that the gated community Marcos frequents is not perceived merely as a walled residential enclave, but rather as a club, in which residents are also members. Beyond housing, it offers an extensive infrastructure that supports social interaction, sports, and leisure activities: “Oh, the club. I love the club. [...] This is the club. Just to give you an idea, the June festival was held here. Over there is the church, there is the event hall, and a whole common area. This place covers almost 400,000 square meters”.

The social dimension is particularly valued by Marcos and represents the main reason why he remains a co-owner of the gated community. It provides opportunities for interaction not only among older adults but also across generations, as well as possibilities for volunteering.

Here, you also gain a strong social life. You build long-standing relationships with people you have known for many years. [...] The quality of life is similar to what I would have if I were still living in the house. In fact, one of the main reasons I never sold the house was precisely because of the social connections. There are many people around my age, some a bit older, some younger, and we also interact a lot with younger residents. We interact with all generations, right. [...] We even created a 60+ group, which I’m part of. There are various activities, including a women’s group that does crochet [...] and we also carry out volunteer work with an NGO.

Marcos also values the proximity to rural areas, particularly for the opportunity to cycle through landscapes characterized by old farms, which he identified as especially important during the pandemic period. Conversely, he emphasized the limited walkability from his residence to commerce and services, noting that such trips on foot would require substantial time and planning, thereby making walking itself the main activity. This spatial configuration results in a strong dependence on the automobile. Although there is a business and service area adjacent to the gated community of which he remains a member, it is located approximately 3 km from the apartment where he currently resides. In addition, some local retail exists in a nearby lower-income neighborhood about 1 km away; however, the route is bordered by walls and wooded areas. Consequently, Marcos predominantly accesses services in other parts of the city, recognizing car dependence as a significant limitation associated with living in a gated community.:

Yeah, I usually go wherever it’s most convenient for me. Sometimes I’m in [neighborhood X], so I shop at the [name of the supermarket] there, in [neighborhood X]. That’s what I end up doing most of the time.

For example, my father’s neighborhood is fantastic. Because everything is close, really everything. It’s on [name of the avenue], right? […] I mean, if I want to go to the [name of the supermarket], it’s just two blocks away. Need a pharmacy? There are plenty. You can do everything on foot. I leave the car at home and just walk. Here, that’s not possible – it just doesn’t work.

He mentions that safety is a positive aspect of living in a gated community, even though he considers life behind walls to be a drawback:

It is a shame, really. I often say this: living behind walls, whether in the apartment or here, comes at a cost. And that is unfortunate. My father’s house, for example, is on a regular street, and thankfully it has never had any serious problems, just occasional issues. But nowadays this kind of housing has become a trend, mainly because of concerns about crime. Still, life here is very calm, right?

Discussion

The cases presented in this study were selected because they represent the two most contrasting experiences among the eight older adults who participated in the study. Together, they exemplify the prevailing housing and urbanization model found in large Brazilian cities, characterized by segregation, spatial fragmentation, and limited land-use diversity. This model is driven both by public policies – through the development of large-scale social housing projects on the urban periphery – and by private investments, particularly the construction of extensive gated communities near high-capacity roadways. Such urban patterns have direct implications for accessibility, mobility, and walkability, with particularly pronounced effects on older adults.

Overall, both participants are in good physical and mental health and remain independent and autonomous. Nevertheless, they experience markedly different levels of accessibility, mobility, and walkability within their neighborhoods. These cases demonstrate that individual characteristics play a central role in shaping older adults’ interactions with their neighborhood environments, reinforcing findings from the existing literature. Age, for instance, has been consistently associated with reduced overall mobility, including both the number and distance of trips (Hess et al., 2016). This relationship is evident when comparing Ana, aged 80, with Marcos, aged 63, who is closer to retirement – a life stage in which stronger associations between neighborhood environments and physical activity have been identified (Peters et al., 2020).

Gender has also been identified as an important moderating factor in the relationship between the neighborhood built environment and health outcomes, particularly regarding access to services, amenities, and aesthetic qualities (Finlay et al., 2025). A study conducted in Hong Kong found that older women report fewer trips to restaurants, shops, and recreational facilities than men (Liu et al., 2024). Regarding driving, studies in the United States and Japan indicate that older men are less likely to report difficulties or apprehension, whereas women tend to express greater concern (Hess et al., 2016; Kubo, Komaki, & Tanaka, 2020). Research in the United Kingdom further showed that older women place greater importance on having access to public transportation within walking distance (Mulliner, Riley, & Maliene, 2020). These patterns are clearly reflected in the experiences of Ana and Marcos.

Socioeconomic status is a well-established determinant of health and a consistent predictor of multiple diseases (Bonaccorsi et al., 2022). Research conducted in the United States suggests that perceptions of the importance of built environment features vary according to income levels (Black & Jester, 2020), a factor that also influences aging in place and mobility among older adults (Asiamah et al., 2023). In this study, Marcos, who has a higher socioeconomic status, placed strong emphasis on environmental attributes such as the lake and sports and leisure facilities. Ana, with lower purchasing power, although valuing the environmentally protected area near her home, placed less emphasis on environmental qualities overall and does not regularly use neighborhood squares. She also exhibits more limited mobility compared to Marcos.

Race and ethnicity are likewise recognized as factors that shape the interaction between older adults, the built environment, and health outcomes (Finlay et al., 2025). A synthesis of studies conducted in the United States found that older Black adults, compared to their White counterparts, were more likely to report life spaces restricted to their immediate surroundings (Szanton et al., 2024). Structural racism may shape how environmental attributes translate into health benefits, as racialized groups tend to derive fewer advantages from activity-supportive spaces. This pattern is evident when comparing Ana’s 1.1 km walking interview trajectory, as a Black woman, with the 14.8 km route covered by Marcos, a White man.

Evidence from diverse urban contexts –including Dalian, China, and Milan and Genoa, Italy – highlights the influence of geographic and climatic factors, particularly topography, on older adults’ mobility and mental health. In Dalian, frequent slopes constrained outdoor activities and negatively affected mental well-being (Yue et al., 2022), while comparisons between the flat terrain of Milan and the hilly landscape of Genoa demonstrated that orographic variation directly shapes older adults’ travel patterns (Mariotti, Burlando, & Landi, 2021). Although topography was not a central concern for participants in this study, Ana reported visiting the neighborhood bakery less frequently due to the street’s incline, relying instead on the establishment’s home delivery service.

Studies conducted in Singapore indicate that higher urban density and greater land- -use diversity significantly influence travel behavior, including transport mode choice and trip duration (Hou et al., 2020). Mixed land use, in particular, has been positively associated with walkability (Del Aguila, 2021; Peters et al., 2020). Both participants live in predominantly residential, low-density neighborhoods, which implies reliance on motorized transport to access key destinations. Public transportation predominates for Ana, whereas Marcos relies on private automobiles. Accessibility to amenities, public transport, cycling infrastructure, and public green spaces, as well as perceived visual quality, has been shown to be critical for older adults’ mental health and quality of life (Loo et al., 2017). This relationship is especially evident in Marcos’s case, for whom access to the gated community club – an environment offering contact with nature and well-maintained facilities – is closely associated with health and well-being.

Jiaxuan E et al. (2025) introduced the concept of Naturally Occurring Retirement Communities (NORCs) in the Australian context, referring to established neighborhoods in which populations age in place and supportive infrastructure develops organically over time. This concept closely aligns with the situation observed in Marcos’s gated community, developed more than 20 years ago, where a group of resident co-owners aged 60 and over has organized collective activities to foster social interaction, making use of the community’s green spaces and sports and leisure infrastructure.

Neighborhood social relationships are widely recognized as a vital component of older adults’ health and well-being, influencing social participation and autonomy (Liu et al., 2024). Well-designed neighborhoods with adequate infrastructure – such as sidewalks, signage, resting areas, and accessible buildings and services – support mobility and social interaction, encouraging older adults to leave their homes (Wu et al., 2025). Informal support networks, including assistance from neighbors, can also enhance perceptions of safety in areas where security is a concern (Parrott et al., 2021), which appears to be particularly relevant in Ana’s case.

Safety is consistently identified as one of the built environment factors most strongly affecting independent living and well-being among older adults, whether in relation to traffic risks or crime (E et al., 2025). A study conducted in Chile found that perceived neighborhood insecurity reduces the likelihood that older adults will go out alone, while fear of crime can generate stress and anxiety, negatively affecting mental health and contributing to social isolation and reduced physical activity (Bailey-Catalán et al., 2019). In Brazil, perceptions of safety when walking at night were found to be more prevalent among individuals with some form of disability (Araújo et al., 2018). Ujikawa (2025) further emphasizes that public lighting plays a crucial role not only in crime prevention but also in fostering a sense of safety that encourages people to go out. These findings closely align with Ana’s reported experiences.

Finally, this study underscores the importance of neighborhood public spaces in expanding older adults’ life spaces beyond the home. This is evident in Ana’s use of the environmentally protected area to plant fruit trees, transforming it into a meaningful place of engagement. Evidence from Singapore further supports this perspective, demonstrating the positive effects of a local therapeutic community garden on older adults in the Henderson neighborhood (Tao et al., 2021).

Final considerations

This article sought to demonstrate the potential of a case study research design and the use of walking interviews combined with complementary tools such as maps, photographs, GPS tracking devices, and field observation. This methodological approach enabled an in-depth understanding of older adults’ interactions with their neighborhood environments, revealing both individual and environmental factors that the literature has identified as relevant to accessibility, mobility, and walkability at the neighborhood scale.

By focusing on the Brazilian context, the study contributes to expanding the still nascent body of Brazilian research in Environmental Gerontology and aging in place, while highlighting specific features of the country’s urban environments. At the same time, it is important to note that the participants reside in Campinas, a large city in the state of São Paulo, which cannot fully represent Brazil’s socioterritorial diversity.

Despite the strengths of the qualitative approach, certain limitations constrain the generalizability of the findings, particularly given that this article discusses only two of the eight cases included in the broader study. Nevertheless, this limitation will be partially addressed in subsequent stages of the ongoing research, which involve the full analysis of all eight case studies as well as the application of a questionnaire to an estimated sample of approximately 300 older adults participating in the Vitalità program.

In addition to shedding light on key aspects of older adults’ everyday urban experiences, the study points to directions for future research aimed at further examining neighborhood-scale factors related to accessibility, mobility, and walkability, such as safety and social relationships, as well as themes that remain underexplored in the existing literature, including thermal comfort and the impacts of climate change on aging in urban environments. These elements are essential for informing the planning and design of cities that are more age-friendly and responsive to the needs of older populations.

Acknowledgements

This work was supported by the National Council for Scientific and Technological Development (CNPq) – Brazil. The walking interviews were conducted with the support of Maria Eduarda Campos dos Santos, an undergraduate research assistant in Architecture and Urbanism at PUC-Campinas.

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Note

• 1
  All participants provided written informed consent, in accordance with approval granted by the Research Ethics Committee (CEP) on April 24, 2025 (CAAE n. 87066925.9.0000.5481; approval n. 7,522,631). The names used in this article are pseudonyms to protect participants’ identities. Data collection took place between May and July 2025.
• Data availability statement:
  All the supporting data for the results of this study has been made available on FileMaker and can be accessed at <http://148.201.20.101/fmi/webd/Isabela%20PUC%20Campinas%20CONSULTA. To access the database, simply click on the “Log in as guest” option.

Edited by

• Editors:
  Lucia Bógus
  Luiz César de Queiroz Ribeiro

• Organizers of this issue:
  Ana Marcela Ardila Pinto
  Carlos Fernando Ferreira Lobo
  Natália Villamizar Duarte

Data availability

All the supporting data for the results of this study has been made available on FileMaker and can be accessed at <http://148.201.20.101/fmi/webd/Isabela%20PUC%20Campinas%20CONSULTA. To access the database, simply click on the “Log in as guest” option.

Publication Dates

• Publication in this collection
  22 June 2026
• Date of issue
  May-Aug 2026

History

• Received
  30 June 2025
• Accepted
  2 Nov 2025