Umuko-pati: the terrestrial world and sustainability from the indigenous perspective of the northwest AmazonAbstract
The text presents the knowledge system of the Indigenous peoples of the northwestern Amazon, based on orality and its own social institutions, distinct from Western science. Their origin narratives describe the construction of the terrestrial world by the demiurges Yepa- oãku and Yepalio, who created habitable spaces through ritual techniques. In this cosmology, (humans) mahsã and the invisible humans waimahsã, who inhabit domains of water, forest/land, and air, emerge, acting as guardians and responsible for the maintenance of spaces and beings. The land is symbolically conceived as a womb, where natural cycles, such as fish spawning and fruiting, represent the “birth of the earth.” This worldview understands the terrestrial world as an integrated organism, in constant movement and transformation, whose balance depends on the interaction between humans and waimahsã. Indigenous specialists, such as the kumu and yai, mediate these relationships, preserving knowledge, ritual practices, and the socio-environmental harmony of the region.
Keywords::
Orality; waimahsã; worldview; sustainability; Amazon
Resumo
O texto apresenta o sistema de conhecimento dos povos indígenas do noroeste amazônico, fundamentado na oralidade e em instituições sociais próprias, distintas da ciência ocidental. Suas narrativas de origem descrevem a construção do mundo terrestre pelos demiurgos Yepa-oãku e Yepalio, que criaram espaços habitáveis por meio de técnicas rituais. Nessa cosmologia, surgem os mahsã (humanos) e os waimahsã, humanos invisíveis que habitam domínios da água, floresta/terra e ar, atuando como guardiões e responsáveis pela manutenção dos espaços e seres. A terra é concebida simbolicamente como útero, onde ciclos naturais, como a piracema e a frutificação, representam o “parto da terra”. Essa cosmovisão entende o mundo terrestre como um organismo integrado, em constante movimento e transformação, cujo equilíbrio depende da interação entre humanos e waimahsã. Especialistas indígenas, como os kumu e yai, mediam essas relações, preservando saberes, práticas rituais e a harmonia socioambiental da região.
Palavras-chave:
Oralidade; waimahsã; cosmovisão; sustentabilidade; Amazônia
Resumen
El texto presenta el sistema de conocimiento de los pueblos indígenas del noroeste amazónico, fundamentado en la oralidad y en instituciones sociales propias, distintas de la ciencia occidental. Sus narrativas de origen describen la construcción del mundo terrestre por los demiurgos Yepa-oãku y Yepalio, quienes crearon espacios habitables a través de técnicas rituales. En esta cosmología, surgen los mahsã (humanos) y los waimahsã, humanos invisibles que habitan dominios del agua, de la selva/tierra y del aire, actuando como guardianes y responsables del mantenimiento de los espacios y seres. La tierra se concibe simbólicamente como un útero, donde ciclos naturales, como la piracema y la fructificación, representan el “parto de la tierra”. Esta cosmovisión entiende el mundo terrestre como un organismo integrado, en constante movimiento y transformación, cuyo equilibrio depende de la interacción entre humanos y waimahsã. Especialistas indígenas, como los kumu y yai, median estas relaciones, preservando saberes, prácticas rituales y la armonía socioambiental de región.
Palavras clave:
Oralidad; waimahsã; cosmovisión; sostenibilidad; Amazonas
Introduction
The purpose of this text is to present the knowledge system of the indigenous peoples of the northwestern Amazon, who are peoples of orality and complex social institutions. In this way, the text notably differs from what is called scientific knowledge, which is taught or acquired through conventional educational institutions, schools, and universities. Therefore, it is important to emphasize that this knowledge produced through orality is not of lesser importance; it simply follows different logics, conceptions, and practices-it’s another epistemological model.
One of the main distinctions lies in the fact that indigenous peoples, in general, base their relationships and systems of teaching on orality, in contrast to societies that use writing as the predominant means of communication and record. Everything that will be exposed in this text has its origin in oral tradition; this knowledge serves as guiding threads of thought, philosophy, and social, economic, political, and cosmo-political practices of these peoples. This knowledge and these conceptions are considered fundamental for the survival and identity of the indigenous peoples of the northwestern Amazon region. The clearest example of this statement is the publication of the Indigenous Narrators of the Rio Negro Collection (vols. 1-8; 1995-2007).
Our starting point is the story of the construction of the terrestrial world, highlighting the perspective of indigenous specialists, who invariably begin their approach to the ‘origin of the world.’ Before we delve deeper, it is essential to understand that these ‘theories’ are the guiding threads that permeate all thought and constitute the foundation of the indigenous philosophy of the northwestern Amazon peoples.
In the second topic, we present the story of the emergence of mahsã (humans) and waimahsã (humans who inhabit other domains - water, land/forest, air). The story about the emergence and trajectory of human beings and waimahsã is portrayed as a deeply intricate narrative, enriched by a profusion of details and complexity. Here, as this is a synthetic text, we will direct our attention to the most significant events that unfolded throughout this extensive journey of the formation of humans and waimahsã.
In the third topic, we present the waimahsã, humans who inhabit the domains of water, forest/land, and aquatic environments. They possess the same qualities and abilities as humans, including their physical appearance, but are not visible to ordinary people in everyday life. They can only be seen by a specialist, Yai or Kumu, or in dreams - situations that also allow for interaction between them. They are responsible, guardians, or protectors of the spaces and all the creatures that circulate within them, which does not make them the ‘owners’ of these creatures, but rather of the spaces themselves. The waimahsã are also beings of multiple natures, as they are capable of developing the qualities and abilities of animals and plants to act in certain situations. They also hold important knowledge such as kihti-ukuse, bahsese, and bahsamori (Omerõ, 2018), which humans must learn.
This topic represents a synthesis of various studies and thesis works, starting with my own master’s thesis, in which I addressed the theme of the waimahsã of the aquatic space (Barreto, 2013). It establishes a direct dialogue with the thesis of Dagoberto Azevedo (in memoriam), which dealt with the land/forest space (Azevedo, 2016), and with the thesis of Gabriel Sodré Maia (in memoriam), which addressed the airspace (Maia, 2016). These studies together outline the three main domains that compose the terrestrial world. The proposal is to state that all spaces and their “environments” are inhabited by human beings, who are generally called, in Tukano, waimahsã. As we will see, the waimahsã play fundamental roles in the acquisition of knowledge and in the cosmo-political relationship of the indigenous peoples of the northwestern Amazon.
The fourth topic deals with the conception of the earth as the womb of the terrestrial world. The indigenous peoples of the northwestern Amazon establish a symbolic connection between a woman’s womb and the Earth. Her pregnancy is conditioned by the “blood” of the moon during the eclipse, and her childbirth is represented by swarms of ants, an abundance of fruits, fish, and game. This period is conceived by specialists as the Earth’s period of childbirth.
Umuko-pati: the construction and the spaces of the earthly world
The indigenous peoples of the northwestern Amazon sustain the presence of two primordial worlds, a superior and an inferior, which constitute the foundations of the construction of the earthly world. The story of the construction of this world unfolds like a plot of great complexity, filled with details, information, and connections with bahsese and bahsamori. In this section, we will address the central elements of this discourse, in contrast to the usual approach of mythical narratives, which tend to explore in detail the particulars and the endless connections with other stories and the social practices of bahsese and bahsamori.
The superior primordial world, according to indigenous specialists, is inhabited by waimahsã, and they are named according to their spatial occupation in the cosmos. The idea of building the new world all began with Buhpo, who lived with his family in a cloud/land called bahsakawí in the superior primordial world. The available space was considerably restricted, especially from the perspective of their children, Yepa-oãku and Yepálio (demiurges), limiting their desired activities, such as hunting, fishing, and building clearings.
Yepa-oãku, upon realizing the confined life he was leading, began to express his complaints to his sister Yepalio, pointing out the inertia imposed by the surrounding reality, that is, the limits of that territory that prevented bolder adventures for the teenagers and resulted in the monotony of daily activities. This realization led Yepa-oãku to nurture the desire to build a new world, vast in extent, where beings with visible bodily characteristics could inhabit the new world. This vision was shared by his sister, Yepalio. Over time, these two siblings dedicated themselves to realizing this ambitious vision.
Upon reaching a certain stage of his development, Yepalio urged his brother, Yepa-oãku, to realize his idea. Surprised by his sister’s provocation, the demiurge began planning the construction of a new world. To do this, he first underwent a rigorous training process, aiming to become an expert in bahsese and bahsamori under the guidance of his father. After completing this stage of preparation, he started to implement his project to build a vast world suitable for habitation, that is, for the habitation of human beings.
Initially, the demiurges (Yepa-oãku and Yepalio) observed the existence of a void between the two primordial worlds, the upper world and the lower world. Using the technique of bahsesse, they positioned the yagu (ceremonial staff) in such a way that it connected these worlds. The yagu (ceremonial staff) became fixed as the central column of the construction of the new world. Later, through additional techniques of bahsesse, they found the equidistant point between these two extremes, which would serve as the base of the terrestrial platform.
Once the equidistant point was located, the next challenge was the construction of the terrestrial platform. After long days of concentration, Yepalio proposed the idea of launching the very wetiro (shield) that was on Yepa-oãku’s arm to the equidistant point, where it would form an initial base for the platform.
Yepa-oãku executed the proposal, and after reaching his goal and stabilizing at the created base, both realized that it was not in balance and seemed to float in space. To solve this problem, using bahsesse techniques, they raised imposing pillars at the four cardinal points, tying ropes to them and stabilizing the platform. Thus, the four columns that support the Earth were born, oriented towards the cardinal points.
After successfully establishing the diminutive platform between the two domains, the demiurges chose to reside in that place, proceeding with the execution of their project. However, they did not completely disconnect from the primordial world, making periodic visits through the yugu, a mechanism that can be conceptually compared to an “elevator”.
On the small fixed platform, they formed a small lake with a population of fish, which would later populate the rivers of the new world. According to the kumu specialist (pajé) Ovídio Barreto, the significance of the lake lies in the explanation that, from the beginning, the demiurges transported the fish from the primordial world in order to ensure the food supply for future human generations.
Therefore, it is relevant to highlight that, since its emergence, fish has been associated with human food without being configured as an entity of an anthropocentric nature.
The stone benches, places of reflection and conception, witnessed the creative minds of Yepa-oãku and Yepalio, while the bahsesse flowed and new ideas blossomed after each conquest. Thus, it is evident that the bench, the ipadu, and tobacco represent elements of unquestionable importance for the specialists involved in the production, reproduction, and acquisition of knowledge among the indigenous peoples of the northwestern Amazon.
On this basis, the demiurges also allowed for the flourishing of the three main types of murõ-kape (tobacco plants), namely: sai-murõgu, duhpuri-murõgu, and ahko-murõgu. At the same time, the three main types of patu (ipadu plants) were also present. These were representatives of a future forest, or plants of the new world.
Having completed the small “geological” structure of the Earth, the next step involved requesting a piece of land from Buhpo, the progenitor, to be distributed over the previously constructed grid. The two brothers, humbly recalling their previous recklessness and arrogance, approached their father respectfully. Upon arriving at his location, they found their mother busy with her daily tasks, sitting by the entrance of the dwelling. Upon seeing her children and anticipating their purpose, she informed them that their father was deeply asleep and suggested that the children use a fragment of pottery, heated by the fire, to wake him by applying it to the progenitor’s chest. After a long conversation with his children, Buhpoi yielded a portion of land wrapped in the tiniest package.
Upon returning to the modest platform, Yepa-oãku, opening the little package, scattered the earth over the mesh of ropes. However, while unwrapping the package, he inadvertently turned the yagu counterclockwise, contrary to his father’s guidance, resulting in the hatching of the small portion onto the net, giving rise to a rugged geographical formation. Yepa-oãku tried to level the surface with his hands, but he could not encompass its entire extent, resulting in a landscape characterized by mountains, hills, and an irregular topography. Once the formation of the land platform was complete, the demiurges realized that the earth manifested a sense of vulnerability and exposure akin to that of a naked and defenseless person.
Aware of this, the brothers decided to cover it with the forest, with vegetation. After completing this process, the demiurges noticed that the land was already inhabited by beings that were not aligned with their plan and, as a measure, sought to eliminate these intruders. Initially, they carried out a burning on the earth’s surface and then unleashed a flood. After all of this, the new earthly world was completely prepared to receive the first human beings, who were the central objective of Yepa-oãku and Yepalio in their venture.
The emergence of humans and waimahsã
The story of the emergence and journey of humans and waimahsã is narrative rich in detail and complexity, as it encompasses numerous stages and stopping points of the submarine vessel that carried future humans and waimahsã. In this section, we will highlight the most relevant events that occurred during this extensive journey of transformation.
After the creation of the terrestrial world, with conditions suitable for human life, Yepa-oãku and his sister, Yepalio, began the work of building a human society. To this end, they dedicated a long period of concentration, subsisting solely on the consumption of ipadu and tobacco, aiming to find a more suitable method for the manifestation of human beings. The achievement of this goal only materialized after three unsuccessful attempts.
In the first two attempts, the brothers devoted themselves day and night to invoking human lives by wielding bahsesse. Using tobacco, they blew over the ipadu, hoping that humans would emerge from the bowl. However, despite their potential existence, the humans did not manifest physically. Faced with the anguish and exhaustion resulting from these fruitless attempts, the demiurges temporarily left the place to attend to their physiological needs and relax.
While they were away, the two daughters of the muhipu-mahsu, who occupied an adjacent compartment, approached to investigate the nature of the intense concentration maintained by the pair of brothers for hours on end, feeding exclusively on ipadu and smoking tobacco.
Due to her insatiable curiosity, the two approached the situation and promptly identified the presence of a gourd containing the notorious element called ‘ipadu’ in its holder. The older sister showed immediate interest in consuming it, while her younger sister tried to intervene, warning that she believed she could see a child inside the gourd, despite it being ipadu. Ignoring the warning, the older sister ingested a portion and, as a consequence, found herself in a state of pregnancy.
The demiurges, after their return, observed that a portion had been consumed and promptly began a detailed investigation. After discovering what had happened, they dedicated themselves to taking care of the pregnant woman, accompanying her throughout her gestational process. When the child finally came into the world, since it was not aligned with their objectives, the demiurges decided to lead her to live alongside her grandfather Buhpo, in the higher primordial world.
The second attempt at transformation again involved the use of ipadu, but this time, the ritual included the “ritual” cries of Yepa-oãku in all four directions of the world. From the north, the songs of the birds echoed; from the west, the roar of waterfalls; from the east, the sound of falling trees. All these phenomena were interpreted as omens of death and lament of humanity. Finally, from the south, the cries of humans, the cries of children, and the voices of people were heard, representing the power of humanity.
From these events, the demiurges concluded that humans would have an ephemeral life and would eventually return to the plane where their father, Buhpo, resided. This passage is interpreted as the end of the body and the return of the omerõ (the name for the metaphysical dimension) to where it came from. Wishing for the continuity of human existence in the earthly world, the brothers decided to resort to the ipadu again. They formulated bahsesse of transformation - suhtivehtiro - and awaited the arrival of future humans. However, instead, small lizards and snakes appeared to feed on the ipadu, leading to yet another period of despair and searching. This passage explains why there are creatures that shed their skin.
Finally, the demiurges intuited that the most effective way to bring humans to existence would be through water, leading the proto-human on an aquatic journey. To achieve this, they built the ‘pamuri-pirõ-yukussu’, a special vessel also known as the ‘canoe of transformation’, the ‘canoe of fermentation’ or simply the ‘snake-canoe’. With the power of bahsesse, Yepa-oãku imbued the vessel with the characteristics of a great snake, granting it the ability to navigate the waters, in the riverbeds.
Once ready, Yepa-oãku embarked the proto-human with fish-like qualities, using garments known as “wai-sutiro” (fish clothes). The journey began in the milk lake and headed toward the Rio Negro, in the heart of the Amazon. During this long journey, the demiurges dedicated themselves to instructing and imparting knowledge to the future humans. It told the story of the creation of the world, their skills and extraordinary feats, revealed the healing properties of plants, described the arrangement of the cosmos, and taught the art of bahsessé, ukusse, and bahsamori. Additionally, it shared teachings on the construction of bahsakawi (communal houses) and musical instruments, as well as the making of adornments and ritual graphic patterns. It distributed kapi (ayahuasca) and instruments of miriã (jurupari). It is important to emphasize that each stop along the journey required an extensive period of stay for the vessel, during which the demiurge instructed the crew in specific knowledge, culminating in the final stop.
As the journey progressed, at each stop of the pamuri-pirõ-yukusse, the crew gradually transformed into human beings (pamuri-mahsã), giving rise to various peoples who today inhabit the land. Similarly, some groups of waimahsã also began to reside in the ‘water houses’, ‘land/forest houses’, and ‘air houses’, following the guidance of Yepa-oãku.
These stops of the vessel are known by the Tukano as ‘pamuri wisseri’, that is, ‘houses’, and are known as houses of knowledge, and the waimahsã who inhabit them are guardians of human history and responsible for everything that exists in that territory. This memory is constantly recalled and revived through bahsesse, ukusse, and bahsomori, held in the ‘bahsakawiseri’ (the traditional houses) during the great festivities of dabucuri.
The definitive decision regarding the last groups of pamuri-mahsã people was made at the confluence of the stream called seaña, located immediately after the residence of merenrãwi. In this place, Yepa-oãku played a crucial role in making a decision of utmost importance: the selection between those who would remain in the condition of waimahsã and the group that would become human beings, thus leaving the condition of waimahsã. As a result of this choice, those who were overlooked continued as waimahsã and began to inhabit the different realms of earth, water, forest, and air, as determined by the distribution of the demiurge (Barreto, 2013).
This measure was adopted because Yepa-oãku recognized that it would not be wise for everyone to turn into human beings. Likewise, he understood that it would not be beneficial for everyone to remain in the condition of waimahsã, as this would result in the vacancy of other spaces (land, water, forest, and air) by beings with different abilities and social characteristics.
When the vessel finally anchored at the Ipanoré waterfall, located in the residence of dia-petawi - the final destination of the human journey - all remaining crew members emerged from the vessel as human beings, thus forming the various ethnic groups that came to inhabit the Alto Rio Negro region.
Yepa-oãku witnessed the transformation of human beings at the Ipanoré waterfall, marking the end of the journey of proto-humans. Under this new condition of existence, societies began to coexist and refer to themselves as distinct and identifiable groups, endowed with specific language, peculiar stories, musical instruments, and songs, as well as a rich symbolism and material and immaterial goods. For example, the Tukano refer to themselves as Yepa-mahsã, while the Tuyuka call themselves Utapinopona, and the Makuna are known as Ide-mahsã. Similarly, the Hupda identify themselves as Dow, among other groups.
The peoples who inhabit this region, who participated in the journey, known as pamuri-mahsã, include the Tukano, Kubeo, Wanana, Tuyuka, Pira-tapuya, Miriti-tapuya, Arapaso, Karapanã, Bará, Siriano, Makuna, Hupda, Yuhupde, and Dow.
The pehkasu (the white man) also took part in this journey, being considered the first younger brother of Doetiró. However, he was relegated by the Yepa-oãku for having taken possession of firearms during the landing, which caused him to return to the starting point of the journey. He was advised to go to other places of the land, across the sea, where he would build weapons and invent things to satisfy his desires but would live in constant conflict with his own children and brothers.
The waimahsã: humans who inhabit in other domains, under different conditions
To describe the categories of waimahsã, inhabitants of each domain, or ‘environments’ of each space, it would be necessary to systematize a kind of ‘encyclopedia of Tukano thought’, which is not the purpose of this text. In this text, the aim is to show only the differentiation between the categories of waimahsã of the aquatic environment and the conception of wai (fish). From this presentation, to synthetically project the waimahsã that inhabit the land/forest space and the waimahsã that inhabit the aerial space.
The waimahsã that inhabit the aquatic space are known as wai-mahsã, the same generic name given to the invisible human beings of all spaces. They take care of all living beings in the water, including reptiles, amphibians, snakes, and especially fish (wai), ensuring their protection and well-being (Barreto, 2013).
The waimahsã that inhabit the land space are known as dita-mahsã, and they can be organized according to different types of smaller spaces, such as dry land (dita-bua-mahsã), mountains/ridges (uhrupo-mahsã), and sandy areas (nuhpori-uturi-mahsã).
They care for and protect animals such as the tapir, agouti, paca, wild boar, lizards, among others, that live in these spaces. The nuhku-mahsã are those invisible human beings that inhabit the forest space, which, in turn, is composed of various subspaces, each with its responsible entity. The wai-mahsã of the dry land forest (nuhku-bua) are called nuhkuri-bupa-mahsã, while those in the sandy forests (tahtaboa) are known as tahtaboa-mahsã. Those residing in buriti palm environments (ne’entari) are called ne’entari-mahsã. All animals that inhabit or circulate in these environments, such as monkeys, sloths, birds, and arboreal insects, are under their responsibility (Azevedo, 2018).
The waimahsã that occupy the airspace are generically called ome-mahsã, encompassing wind, clouds, and light. The ome-mahsã control the winds and renew the air, while those whose residence is the clouds are responsible for the cycle of rains. The waimahsã of light control temperatures (Maia, 2018).
For indigenous peoples, the balance of the earthly world, whether the guarantee of “natural” resources and weather balance, depends on the communication, negotiation, and exchange that is established in this network of relationships between humans and waimahsã.
Dita-nisutiro: the earth as the womb of the terrestrial world
The discourse of indigenous specialists about the land space outlines it as a space that encompasses all the essential elements for the generation of new lives and the maintenance of diverse forms of life. Likewise, it is compared to the female womb, which is why they say that the world has a configuration resembling the shape of an ‘avocado’ instead of a perfect sphere.
The initial association between the land space and the womb is intrinsically linked to fertility, to the generative capacity of lives, and to the metamorphoses of lives. In this way, the indigenous peoples of the northwestern Amazon have a symbolic relationship between the social context and the body of the woman on the land.
Just as a woman gets pregnant and has her period of gestation, the earth also becomes pregnant and has its period of gestation; in this case, the period of piracema, the time of ant swarms, the time of abundance of fruits is conceived by the people as the time of the earth’s childbirth, the result of fertilization by contact with lunar blood during an eclipse. The moon is the man who fertilizes the earth.
During this period of the earth’s childbirth, there are mass migrations of insects, the swarming of night tanajuras and saúvas, as well as maniwara, the ‘parties’ of frogs and swarms of termites. Many wild fruits ripen, others bloom and fall, feeding the animals and fish that have recently completed their piracema or transformed into new forms. This moment is marked by an intense proliferation of animals. The water during piracema is considered the fluid of the earth, just as it is the ‘water’ of a woman’s uterus.
All these events are perceived by specialists as the “birth of the earth,” marking the beginning of a new cycle of lives and the updating of the terrestrial world. The fertility of the earth is what enables the constant movement and transformation of lives, renewing with each passing year. The terrestrial world for indigenous peoples is an organism in which its constituent elements interact and mutually influence one another, generating new forms of life. By conceiving the earth as a woman’s body, there arises the need to explore how this knowledge directly influences the care practices of indigenous peoples with the terrestrial world and human bodies, with the perspective of ensuring the quality of life, as well as balanced relationships with the surrounding environment.
Conclusions
Indigenous peoples have long established their communities in this vast territory, whose occupation dates back to a period extending approximately 12,000 years. Throughout history, they have played a central role in the preservation of the terrestrial ecosystem. A question arises: is it feasible to establish a dialogue between different models of knowledge? This effort is a crucial step in promoting dialogue and recognizing the knowledge of indigenous peoples. From the perspective of the indigenous peoples of the northwestern Amazon, one of the most culturally diverse regions of the Amazon, the notion of a strict geographical division to describe the territory is not appropriate. For these groups, the terrestrial system is conceived as an integrated organism, an entity composed of interdependent elements that perpetuate and sustain life, in a constant process of movement and transformation.
And the most important conception lies in the consideration that all “environments” of the terrestrial world are inhabited by humans, albeit with different nomenclatures, known as waimahsã, who take responsibility for the preservation of everything that exists in their territory and specific environment. The relationships of interaction, communication, exchange of material and immaterial resources, negotiations, rivalries, enmities, and alliances are the driving forces of social and sociocosmopolitical dynamics, and are necessary parts to ensure social, political, economic, and cosmopolitan balance. Therefore, no place is devoid of the human presence.
In this sense, maintaining a network of connections and communications among all inhabitants of the various domains of the terrestrial world is imperative to ensure the balance and the natural process of movement and transformation of the planet as a whole.
Indigenous specialists play fundamental roles of mediation, interaction, and communication with the waimahsã, thus ensuring the maintenance and balance of the earth system. They are also people with the strength and power to articulate preventive, protective, and healing elements contained in various types of plants, animals, and minerals to treat diseases, transforming certain elements (water, tobacco, plant enzymes, among others) into protective and healing agents, as well as having the ability to invoke natural phenomena such as lightning and thunderstorms and use the qualities of animals for specific purposes. In other words, they are the very institutions of teaching indigenous knowledge.
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