English presence in the Brazilian Empire: Edward Johnston & Co. and the exports trade, 1842-1852Abstract:
This study aimed at analyzing the organization and the exporting activity of the British trade firm, Edward Johnston & Co. in Brazil, from 1842 to 1852. When arriving in Rio de Janeiro, in 1821, Edward Johnston worked at the British trade firm, F. Le Breton & Co. In 1827, as the manager of the trade firm, he married Henrietta, daughter of Charles Alexander Moke, owner of the Massau farm, coffee producer in the Tijuca forest, Rio de Janeiro. After returning from London and Holland, Edward Johnston quit the trade firm and became a broker. The growth in Brazilian exports, the knowledge about Rio de Janeiro, and the commercial contacts with England allowed Edward Johnston to organize the trade firm Edward Johnston & Co. in 1842. His partners were the traders William Joseph Havers and João Ignácio Tavares. Edward Johnston left the trade firm with his partners and returned to Liverpool. With João Ignácio Tavares leaving the trade firm and the death of Havers, in 1847, besides the commercial crisis in Liverpool in the same year, Johnston reorganized the society in Brazil. The improvement in business and the increasing expertise of the trade firm in coffee export allowed Johnston’s children to be more present. This participation led to the creation of Edward Johnston, Son & Co. in 1854. But that is another story.
Keywords:
Brazilian Empire; commerce; British trade firm.
Resumo:
O estudo teve como objetivo analisar a organização e a atividade exportadora da firma inglesa Edward Johnston & Co. no Brasil no período 1842 a 1852. Chegando ao Rio de Janeiro em 1821, Edward Johnston trabalhou na firma inglesa F. Le Breton & Co. Em 1827, gerente da firma, casou-se com Henrietta, filha de Charles Alexander Moke, proprietário da fazenda Nassau, produtora de café na floresta da Tijuca, no Rio de Janeiro. Depois de retornar da viagem para Londres e para a Holanda, Edward Johnston desligou-se da firma e virou corretor. O crescimento das exportações brasileiras, o conhecimento da Praça do Rio de Janeiro e os contatos comerciais com a Inglaterra possibilitaram a Edward Johnston organizar a firma Edward Johnston & Co. em 1842, tendo como sócios os negociantes William Joseph Havers e João Ignácio Tavares. Edward Johnston deixou a firma com seus sócios no Rio de Janeiro e retornou para Liverpool. A saída de João Ignácio Tavares da firma, o falecimento de Havers em 1847 e a crise comercial em Liverpool de 1847 fizeram com que Johnston reorganizasse a sociedade no Brasil. A melhora dos negócios e a crescente especialização da firma na exportação do café possibilitaram uma maior presença dos filhos de Johnston. Tal participação originou a Edward Johnston, Son & Co. em 1854. Essa é outra história.
Palavras-chave:
Império do Brasil; comércio; firma inglesa.
Resumen:
El estudio tuvo como objetivo analizar la organización y la actividad de exportación de la empresa inglesa Edward Johnston & Co., en Brasil, durante el período del 1842 hasta 1852. Al llegar al Río de Janeiro, en 1821, Edward Johnston trabajó en una compañía inglesa llamada F. Le Breton & Co. En el año del 1827, como gerente de la empresa, él se casó con Henrietta, hija de Charles Alexander Moke, lo propietario de la hacienda Nassau, una productora de café en la floresta de Tijuca, en Río de Janeiro. Después del regreso de viaje a Londres y Holanda, Edward Johnston se desligó de la empresa y se tornó un corrector. El crecimiento de las exportaciones brasileñas, el conocimiento de la Plaza del Río de Janeiro y los contactos comerciales con Inglaterra posibilitaron para Edward Johnston la organización de la empresa Edward Johnston & Co., en 1842, incluyendo como socios los negociantes William Joseph Havers y João Ignácio Tavares. Edward Johnston salió de la empresa con sus socios en Río de Janeiro y regresó a Liverpool. La salida de João Ignácio Tavares de la compañía, el fallecimiento de Havers en 1847, y la crisis comercial en Liverpool del 1847 hicieron con que Johnston organizase nuevamente la sociedad en Brasil. La mejoría de los negocios y la creciente especialización de la empresa en la exportación de café posibilitaron una mayor presencia de los hijos de Johnston. Esa participación originó Edward Johnston, Son & Co., en 1854. Pero eso es otra historia.
Palabras clave:
Imperio del Brasil; comercio; compañía inglesa.
Résumé:
L’étude visait à analyser l’organisation et l’activité d’exportation de l’entreprise anglais Edward Johnston & Co. au Brésil dans la période 1842 à 1852. En arrivant à Rio de Janeiro en 1821, Edward Johnston a travaillé au sein du cabinet britannique F. Le Breton & Co. En 1827, il était directeur de l’entreprise, a marié Henriette, fille de Charles Alexander Moke, propriétaire de la ferme Nassau, producteur de café dans la forêt de Tijuca, à Rio de Janeiro. Après son retour de voyage à Londres et en Hollande, Edward Johnston a démissionné de l’entreprise et se tourna courtier. La croissance des exportations brésiliennes, la connaissance de Rio de Janeiro place et des contacts commerciaux avec l’Angleterre a permis à la Edward Johnston organiser Edward Johnston & Co. cabinet en 1842, ayant comme partenaires concessionnaires William Joseph Havers et John Tavares Ignacio. Edward Johnston a quitté l’entreprise avec ses partenaires à Rio de Janeiro et est retourné à Liverpool. John Tavares des Ignacio La production de l’entreprise, la mort de Havers en 1847 et la crise commerciale en 1847 Liverpool ont fait Johnston réorganiser la société au Brésil. L’amélioration de l’activité et la spécialisation croissante de l’entreprise dans l’exportation du café a permis une plus grande présence des fils de Johnston. Cette participation origine Edward Johnston, Son & Co. en 1854. Ce est une autre histoire.
Mots-clés:
l’Empire du Brésil; le commerce; Firme anglaise.
Born in London, in 1804, Edward Johnston arrived in Rio de Janeiro in 1821, at the age of 17, and started working at the British trade firm, F. Le Breton & Co., an important member of import/export business. He became a manager in 1827 and, in that same year, married Henrietta, daughter of the Dutch doctor who was established in Rio de Janeiro, Charles Alexander Moke, owner of the Nassau farm, coffee producer in the Tijuca forest, Rio de Janeiro. According to the commemorative books of Edward Johnston & Co., the wedding and the honeymoon, when he visited London and Holland, were important factors that made Edward Johnston leave F. Le Breton and start to work as a broker in the import/export trade of Rio de Janeiro.
The growth in coffee exportation, as well as that of other products in the port of Rio de Janeiro, the knowledge acquired in the commercial and financial market of Rio de Janeiro, and the commercial contacts with England, especially Liverpool, allowed Edward Johnston to organize the trade firm Edward Johnston & Co., in 1842, and his partners were the British trader William Joseph Havers and the Brazilian trader João Ignácio Tavares.
In 1844, Edward Johnston left the trade firm with his partners in Rio de Janeiro and returned to Liverpool; there, he joined the British trader Charles Ironside, at the (trade firm) trade firm Charles Ironside & Co. With businesses in Portugal and Brazil, in the latter, more precisely with the British trader Joseph Napier, in Salvador, Bahia, Charles Ironside played an important role in Edward Johnson’s businesses ever since. With João Ignácio Tavares leaving the trade firm in Brazil, in 1845, and with Havers’ death, in 1847, as well as the commercial crisis in Liverpool in 1847-1848, Johnston and Ironside reorganized the society in Brazil, and Joseph Napier started managing the trade firm in Rio de Janeiro. The improvement of businesses, when the trade firm began to specialize in coffee exports, allowed the participation of Edward Johnston’s children in the administration of the trade firm. They were transferred to Brazil and to a new society in the USA, Johnston, Moke & Co., in New Orleans. This increasing participation of Johnston’s children in business made the trade firm Charles Ironside 7 Co. to be closed in 1853. A new trade firm was created in Liverpool, Edward Johnston, Son & Co., in1854. But that is another story.
Coffee expansion in the 1830s and 1840s in Vale do Paraíba and Rio de Janeiro
The victory of the conservative political project of the proslaver Empire State,1 directed by Trindade Saquarema, from the Conservative Party, composed of Joaquim José Rodrigues Torres (Viscount of Itaboraí), Paulino Soares de Souza (Viscount of Uruguay), and Eusébio de Queiroz Coutinho Matoso da Câmara,2 allowed not only the growth and the conservation of the slave trade, even if illegal after the law from 1831,3 but also the legitimation of a proslavery policy, as mentioned by Tamis Parron.4 This policy was essential for the expansion of the coffee production in Vale do Paraíba in Rio de Janeiro and São Paulo5, and with that coffee overcame sugar as the main Brazilian export product after 1830 (Table 1). However, from Steve Topic’s point of view, these growing rates of exportation were a result of the income elasticity and price elasticity of demand for coffee in the USA and Western Europe since 1820, and not only related to the offer (production) and its decreasing costs in Brazil due to the availability of land and slave workforce.6 Then, in the 1830s, “Brazil was already the main producer, with about 650 thousand bags, followed by Cuba, Java (Asia/Holland) and Haiti, each of them ranging their levels of production from 350 thousand to 450 thousand bags”.7
It is important to mention that, for the historians Dale Tomich, Rafael Marquese, and Ricardo Sales, the coffee production expansion in the period was related to the development of capitalism in the 19th century.8 This relationship allowed the appearance of a new proslavery structure called 2nd slavery9, which was prevalent in the Atlantic region including the South of the USA, Cuba, and Brazil.10
The increasing coffee exports continued in the 1840s, and only in the end of that period, because of the crisis of 1847 that affected Europe, with consequences in the USA,11 there was a fall in Brazilian coffee exports (Graph 1), reflecting on the economy of the time.12 One interesting fact about the 1840s is that sugar and leather exports increased and interrupted the decreasing tendency of exports for these products (Table 1). Among the possible explanations for this improvement, there was the end of the British protectionism, with the Law from 1846,13 industrialization in Europe and in the USA, and the demand for dry and salted leather. Regarding leather exports, Manual Llorca-Jaña mentioned that Brazil14 was the second largest exporter of untanned hide to Great Britain, after the region of the Prata River (Argentina and Uruguay).15 Leather, especially salted, and other cattle farming products, such as jerky16 and fat, were the main export products of Argentina until the mid-19th century, when they were overcome by wool export, with major participation of British exports companies, as it happened in Brazil.17 It is interesting to mention that Edward Johnston & Co. exported to Gothenburg, in Sweden, in 1842, a shipload of 1,818 leathers from Buenos Aires.18
By analyzing the provinces that produced coffee in the 1840s, “Rio de Janeiro responded for almost 80% of the total exportation, with 16% corresponding to São Paulo, and about 6%, Minas”.19 These regions, with different historical colonization, which internally presented changes regarding the concentration of land and slaves in the 19th century, had something in common: they were directly or indirectly bathed by the river Paraíba do Sul. So, they belonged to Vale do Paraíba (Map 1).
Cities in Vale do Paraíba from Rio de Janeiro, São Paulo and Zona da Mata from Minas Gerais per date of foundation (1801-1890).
Because the coffee production concentrated in the region of Vale do Paraíba and the coffee routes - in the Old West paulista, in Paraíba from Rio de Janeiro, or in Zona da Mata, from Minas Gerais -,20 were directly or indirectly connected to the port of Rio de Janeiro, it was mainly through that entrepôt city21 that exports took place in the analyzed period.22 Even though coffee had been exported with other products from the end of the 18th century,23 the port of Santos grew as an exporter of this product in the 1840s and, especially, in the 1850s (Table 2 and Graph 2). After 1870, exports of coffee from Santos were close to those in Rio de Janeiro, overcoming them in the 1890s.24
Therefore, in this national and international context, the British trade firm, Edward Johnston & Co. was organized in Rio de Janeiro - the Neutral city of the Court since 1834 in 1842. We will approach its organization in the next section.
The organization of Edward Johnston & Co. in Brazil
On September 14, 1942, in the city of Santos, São Paulo, the 100th anniversary of the British trade firm Edward Johnston & Cia. Limited was celebrated. It was one of the largest coffee exporters in Brazil.25 With the presence of the British ambassador, Sir Noel Charles, and many politicians and traders, that is, from the export/import trade in Santos,26 this event had political and economic significance, as mentioned in the title of the publication “One century of activities in the approximation of British-Brazilian relations”.
The so-called ephemerides, celebrated by the publication that was historically connected with the coffee production in São Paulo,27 aimed at celebrating not only politics, but also the economy because of the scenario of the time.28
However, the (trade firm) trade firm Edward Johnston & Co. only opened a branch in Santos in 1881, when the production and export of coffee from São Paulo was growing, especially from the New West. Before Santos became the trade firm’s headquarters, its business center was in Rio de Janeiro, where it was founded in September 14, 1842, on Rua do Sabão, n. 10.29
Organized by the British trader Edward Johnston, together with the British trader William Joseph Havers30 and the Brazilian trader João Ignácio Tavares,31 the British (trade firm) trade firm stood out in the early days of activities as an import/export (firm) trade firm, not specialized in only one product.32 Regarding the trader Edward Johnston, he arrived in Rio de Janeiro in 1821, at the age of 17, and worked as a clerk in the British import/export trade firm, F. Le Breton & Co.33 In the meantime, Edward Johnston became a manager and married Henrietta Marie, in 1827. She was the daughter of Charles Alexander Moke, doctor and coffee farmer in Tijuca, Rio de Janeiro.34
After 1870, coffee exports from Santos were similar to those in the port of Rio de Janeiro, overcoming them in the 1890s
The marriage of Edward Johnston and the coffee farmer’s daughter was important for his commercial career.35 After a period in England and Holland, being the latter the homeland of his father-in-law, and returning to Rio de Janeiro in 1830, Edward Johnston left F. Le Breton and started his own “broker business” in 1832.36 As mentioned by Johnston, in a letter addressed to his brother James, because of the little capital he had at the time, “eventually, I’ll be a broker, because I will probably succeed at this, and will not need a lot of capital”.37 According to Greenhill, Johnston “bought primary products or worked for commission, which required little capital and minimized the risks”.38
In 1838, Edward Johnston went to Liverpool again, which used to be the main British slaver port39 and important exports center of thread and fabric (dry farms) from the textile factories in Manchester, as well as importer of “colonial products”, such as coffee, sugar, cotton, and others in the 1830s.40 In Diário do Rio de Janeiro, from July 4, 1838, an ad was published about the auction of furniture and other utensils belonging to Edward Johnston, who was “moving to Europe”. The ad was:
Baker Campbell & Greenwood will have an auction today, at 10 thirty, at Mr. Edward Johnston’s house, street Bella da Princeza, n. 5, of the rich, valuable furniture, silver, crystals, china, paintings etc., belonging to this gentleman who is moving to Europe. There is a dinner table for 30 people, mahogany sideboard, chairs, mirrors, {...} drawings, horses, crossbows etc.
It is important to mention that, in Liverpool, there was the Brazilian Association of Liverpool, which defended the interests of British traders who imported Brazilian products, such as coffee and sugar, and exported thread and cotton fabric from the factories in Manchester.42 This Association sent requests to the House of Commons, such as the one from 1833, “The Petition of undersigned Merchants and Ship owners of Liverpool Trading to Brazil, and Members of the Association”, requesting the reduction of fares charged on products imported from Brazil, especially sugar.43 In 1839, the Association, together with the Manchester Chamber of Commerce, pressured the House of Commons to revise the fares on sugar and coffee. In 1840, there was a petition in Manchester that “emphasized the urgency of the matter”,44 which was only solved with the Law from 1846 and its consequences. On May 15, 1841, Charles Saunders, president of the Association, published in the newspaper The Tablet an article called “The reasons why Brazil produce should be at once admitted into this country for consumption on more reasonable terms”, and there he continued to defend the reduction of fares on Brazilian products, reinforcing the importance of Brazil for Great Britain’s commerce.45
Back to Edward Johnston, the date he returned to Brazil is not known; however, Diário do Rio de Janeiro, on January 11, 1840, announced a session of “Banco Commercial do Rio de Janeiro”,46 in which Edward Johnston, who was a shareholder, participated in the Accounts Commission. The original note was:
Banco Commercial do Rio de Janeiro, sessão do dia 10 de janeiro de 1840
Abriou-se ás 11 horas a sessão tomando a cadeira da presidência o Sr. Ignacio Ratton, o qual apresentou á assemblea o relatório dos trabalhos da direcção durante o anno de 1839. Procedeo-se a eleicção da mesa, e sendo 180 os votantes pouco mais ou menos sahirão leitos {...}.
Passou-se á nomeação da Comissão de exame e contas, e sahirão eleitos os Srs. Drs. Pereira da Silva com 155 votos; Santos Jr. com 143 votos; Barbosa Guimarães com 120 votos; Eduardo Johnston com 96 votos; {...} (grifo nosso).
Regarding the trade carried out by the broker Edward Johnston, it is worth to highlight two issues of leather export to New York and Malta (English protectorate), in 1841 and 1842.48 However, when Edward returned to Rio de Janeiro, he signed a petition among important British traders and companies, besides other foreign (American and Swedish, for instance) and national traders. This demonstrated and legitimated the trader’s - as well as one of the main slave dealers in the post-1831 illegal trade -, the Portuguese Manoel Pinto da Fonseca, as the customs signatory in Rio de Janeiro.49 This document, as well as other petitions from traders, reinforced the thesis regarding the participation of British traders in the slave trade, even with the prohibition in 1831.50
As aforementioned, Edward Johnston & Co. was founded on September 14, 1842, on Rua do Sabão n. 10, with a capital of 30 contos de réis.51 However, whereas there is not much information on William Joseph Havers,52 for João Ignácio Tavares there were other documents that led to information on the presence of this trader and national capitalist. In Diário do Rio de Janeiro, from August 9, 1834, João Ignácio Tavares appeared as a shareholder of Caixa Econômica do Rio de Janeiro, founded in 1834,53 together with other important traders from Rio de Janeiro, such as João Pereira Darrigue Faro (second baron and first viscount of Rio Bonito).54 In 1838, João Ignácio Tavares was mentioned as one of the capitalists who bought titles from the public debt in the Amortization Bank (created in 1827),55 in a conflict situation between Rio de Janeiro and the decision of the finance minister, Miguel Calmon du Pin e Almeida (marquis of Abrantes), of suspending the public debt auction in 1838.56 To sum up, the trader and capitalist João Ignácio Tavares stood out in Rio de Janeiro in the 1830s and 1840s, with important knowledge and information for the commercial society organized by Edward Johnston.57
Edward Johnston arrived in Rio de Janeiro in 1821, at the age of 17, and worked as a clerk62
In 1844, Edward Johnston went back to Liverpool,58 and left his partners in charge of the trade firm in Rio de Janeiro, in a scenario of changes in the relationship between Brazil and Great Britain due to the Alves Branco fare, from 1844 (decree n. 376, from August 12, 1944), which raised the import tax on some foreign products and others.59 When he definitely returned to England, comparing the auction of furniture and utensils from Johnston’s house in 1844 and 1838, the richness accumulated by the British trader in the past years became very clear. In Diário do Rio de Janeiro, from April 17, 1844, the following was reported:
Campbelle & Greenwood fazem leilão hoje, quarta-feira, 17 do corrente, ás 10.horas e meia em ponto, na casa da residência do Sr. Eduardo Johnston, rua da Princesa n. 5 (no Catete) de toda a sua mui elegante mobília de mogmo maciço, mandada fazer de encomenda na Inglaterra, havendo entre ella um magnifico apparador de sala de jantar, mesa de jantar para 18 pessoas, mesas redondas e de jogo, cadeiras, espelhos grandes, toucadores, sofás, divans, commodas, guarda-roupas, com espelho grande de vestir (psyche), um superior piano forte do autor Broadood de Londres, um soberbo chiffonier, camas entre ellas uma de casados, de armação com cortinados, relógio com corda para 3 dias, um telescópio grande, um rico serviço de porcelana de mesa e outro de chá,um dito de dita branco, um plateaux de bronze, um riquíssimo lustre de 18 luzes, ricos candelabros, etc. todos pertencentes ao dito Sr. (grifo nosso).
In the British city, Edward Johnston was associated with the trader Charles Ironside, in the trade firm Charles Ironside & Co., in 1845. Charles Ironside, from 1820 to 1830, became an important British trader in Lisbon, with business with Brazil and England, especially Liverpool.61 A ship from this trader was “imprisoned” in the Brazilian port of São Luís in the troubled post-independence period in Brazil. The document was:
Henry Chamberlain, Squire, General Consul S. M.
{...}
Translation n. 2: The American Schooner Ghest master Josuah Folger arrived from Lisbon on 28/02/1825, bringing, on behalf of Mrs. Edward T Eyton & C., British trader of this region, merchandise loaded by C. Ironside & C., from Lisbon, of British property, as shown by the attached consul certificate.
{...}
This property was detained under the pretext that it came from an enemy port. R.H. Note of the load shipped by Charles Ironside & C. from Lisbon in the American Schooner Guest, master Josuah Folger, even if knowing it was a risk, as described in the consul certificate.
We do not know when Charles Ironside went back to Liverpool.63 However, he also made business with the British trader in Bahia, James Napier, in the trade firm Ironside, Napier & Co.,64 and rescission took place on March 4, 1845.65
When João Ignácio Tavares left the society in Rio de Janeiro, in 1845, “to be a broker, which Johnston thought would be incompatible with the firm, that is, to concentrate on coffee”,66 the difficulties in the administration of the trade firm in Rio de Janeiro, after the death of William Joseph Havers in 1847, and with the manager Andrew Steele,67 as well as the crisis 1847, which affected Liverpool,68 made so that the association of Edward Johnston with Ironside and Napier was consolidated, and a new trade firm with the three associates appeared in Bahia, named Johnston, Napier 7 co., with a capital of £12,000. Therefore, Edward Johnston participated in three companies: Edward Johnston & Co. (Rio de Janeiro), Charles Ironside & Co. (Liverpool), and Johnston, Napier & Co. (Salvador).69 Regarding the businesses of Charles Ironside & Co., Marcus Guedes Vaz Sampaio mentioned that this trade firm built steamships for the trade firm Santa Cruz, organized in Bahia, and for cabotage.70
The merge of the (trade firms) companies from Rio de Janeiro and Bahia in the early 1850s led Joseph Napier to go to Rio de Janeiro, where he became the director of Edward Johnston & Co. With the increasing demand for coffee, especially in the USA, main importer of the Brazilian product,71 Edward Johnston and his associates opened two (firms) companies in New York and in New Orleans: Napier, Johnston & Co. and Johnston, Moke & Co., respectively.72 These two cities/ports were the main imports centers of coffee in the USA and, in the case of New Orleans, this was the “entrance gate” of the coffee into the Mississippi valley.73
The increasing specialization of the British trade firm in coffee exports, as well as the factors regarding the associates, promoted changes in the society with Edward Johnston, privileging his children in the board of the companies in Brazil and New Orleans.74 When Charles Ironside left the trade firm in Liverpool, in 185375, Edward Johnston started a society with his third son, Francis Johnston, in the trade firm, and changed its name to Edward Johnston, Son & Co., in 1854.76
Edward Johnston & Co. in the Export Trade, 1842-1852
Analyzing the exports of Edward Johnston & Co. from 1842 to 1852, from a total of 324 issues, only eight were not identified.77 From that total (Graph 3), we verified that cattle breeding products, especially leather from Rio Grande and some exports from the Prata river, were prevalent in 1842, 1843, 1844, and 1845.78 Even if there were records since 1842, only in 1846 coffee became the main product, and, still, with very irregular movement in the following years, facing the problems already analyzed in the period. In 1851, there was expressive growth, and, in 1852, there was a new decline.
The exports of Edward Johnston & Co. were very similar to those of other foreign companies, such as the British-American Maswell Writ & Co. and the British Carruthers & Co., and Samuel Phillips & Co.,79 demonstrating that, at first, they were not specialized in one product; they were diversified, which was in accordance with Graeme Milne’s analyses on the diversification of commerce in Liverpool companies in the 19th century.80
With the increasing demand for coffee, especially in the United States, main importer of the Brazilian product, Edward Johnston and his partners started two companies in New York and New Orleans
Concerning the main ports/cities receiving the exports from Edward Johnston & Co. (Graph 4), some stood out in number of trips, as is the case of the North-American ports of Baltimore, with 55; New York, 46; New Orleans, 24; in Europe, the ports of Antwerp, in Belgium, with 20; Cowes, a port city in the Isle of Wright, in England,81 with 19; and Copenhagen, Denmark, with 16. The ports of Liverpool and London had 14 and 12, respectively, and were not amongst the six main importing ports of the trade firm at the time. The trade firm also exported to ports in Asia, such as in Goa, with one trip,82 and Constantinople, now Istanbul, with two trips.83
By crossing the information of ports and products, we found interesting data. The North-American ports of Baltimore and New York received leather shipments in 184484, and only in 1846 and 1849, respectively, began to receive coffee.85 In New Orleans, its first import took place in 1845 and only received coffee.86
This relationship of the trade firm with the North-American ports of Baltimore, New York, and New Orleans clarified the reading about the Atlantic Trading System and the Second Slavery.87 Richmond, capital of Virginia, and New Orleans, capital of Louisiana until 1849,88 were cities/ports of two important North-American proslavery states.89 Carlos Eduardo Valencia Villa mentioned the connection of Rio de Janeiro with the proslavery South of the USA, through the commerce of coffee with bread, that is, Brazilian coffee exported from Rio de Janeiro to Richmond and the wheat flour produced in Richmond, in the south of the USA, and exported to Baltimore, Maryland, to Rio de Janeiro. It was from the port of Baltimore, which was not located in the South, but in the North, that Richmond exported wheat flour and imported coffee. This dependence of Richmond in relation to the North became even clearer with the non-realization of the expansion of the James River and the Kanawha Canal, which would enable the expansion of the port of Richmond to the Atlantic. It became one of the “elements that created tension between Richmond and the North” in the 1850s, before the Civil War.90
By analyzing the ports and products exported by the trade firm to Europe, Antwerp received the first load, in 1842, which consisted of 1,000 leathers from the Prata river.91 Only after 1846, Antwerp started receiving coffee, and the first load had 300 bags92; after that, this product became prevalent. Regarding the ports of Cowes and Copenhagen, the former received 1,000 salted leathers, and 15,444 horns in 1844,93 and these products continued to be exported there until 1847, when, for the first time, it received coffee, with 1,400 bags.94 Regarding Copenhagen, the first load of the trade firm arrived only in 1849, with 2,000 bags of coffee.95 This port only received coffee.
Regarding the ports of London and Liverpool, the first exports of the trade firm took place in 1842 and 1844, respectively, and leather was the only exported product.96 From 1844 to 1847, Liverpool received not only leather, but also horns, wood, cedar boards, and construction boards. The latter were a result of the extensive exploration of the Atlantic forest,97 and were not used only for building houses, but also for the British naval industry.98 Coffee only appeared in the port of Liverpool in 1847, after the law of 1846, and, still, it was not exclusive, because shipments of leather and horns continued to arrive in the port.99 Regarding London, exports of leather and horns were prevalent from 1842 to 1844,100 and only in 1847 it was possible to observe the coffee export to the capital of Great Britain.101 Until 1852, the trade firm only made one more shipload of coffee to London.102
Final considerations
The British presence and its relationship with Brazil has been a matter of debate in historiography. However, it is important to mention that the question involving the businesses of British traders in Brazil and in other regions of international economy in the 19th century has been revised and amplified. The study of the companies, the institutional changes, and the networks of business has enabled a deeper analysis on the interaction between trade firm/trader (agent) and its market. In a micro-perspective, however, not denying its relationship with the macro-scenario, historians and economists criticized a general view over the work of British trade companies.
This relationship of the trade firm with the North-American ports of Baltimore, New York, and New Orleans clarified the reading of the Atlantic Trading System and the Second Slavery
Usually organized as “family property, inserted in a network of commercial exchange”,103 relating much more to decentralized trade societies than to the modern and vertical integral trade firm. As pointed out by Alfred Chandler for the American case,104 the British (trade firm) companies, such as Edward Johnston’s, grew and competed in the expanding world market of the 19th century. That meant the adoption of strategies and actions that allowed its survival and expansion, instead of downfall and ruin.
The first ten years of Edward Johnston’s trade firm were not easy. Even if it had been working in the market in Rio de Janeiro since the 1820s, by organizing Edward Johnston & Co., he needed to be associated with the British trader William Joseph Havers and the national trader João Ignácio Tavares, the latter with good relationship in the area. When Edward Johnston definitely returned to England, in 1844, he saw his business go through organizational problems because one partner left, and the other one died, besides the crisis of 1847, which affected Liverpool. The solutions he found were to keep the trade firm in Brazil, to expand the trade activities together with traders established in Liverpool, such as Charles Ironside, with the trade firm Charles Ironside & Co., and to favor the expertise of the trade firm in coffee exports.
Regarding the (Firm’s) trade firm’s exports, the diversification of leather, horn, coffee exports, and others became an important strategy in the first years of the trade firm, unlike the statement of Greenhill: “sometimes, leather and jerky shiploads from the Prata river and the south of Brazil were shipped, as long as it didn’t contaminate the coffee”.105 The main consumer market was the USA and, in Europe, the ports of Antwerp and Copenhagen stood out. Great Britain, “homeland” of Edward Johnston, was not the main consumer market in the first ten years of the trade firm, even if we consider the imports of Cowes, Liverpool, and London. Specifically for coffee, the importance of the Law from 1846 was explicit for the exports of the product to London and Liverpool, and the pro-slavery South of the USA was established as the main consumer of this product. As Edward Johnston wrote in a letter to James Napier, in 1847, “the North-American trade {…} will probably be a more profitable place for our capital”.106
Source: Edmar Bacha, “Política brasileira do café. Uma avaliação centenária”, In: Edmar Bacha; Robert Greenhill, Marcelino Martins & E. Johsnton: 150 anos de café, 2. ed. rev., São Paulo, Salamandra Cons. Editorial, 1992, p. 324-325 (statistical appendix, table 1.6).
Source: Luiz Fernando Saraiva, O império das Gerais: café e poder na Zona da Mata mineira, 1853-1893, Tese de doutorado, Universidade Federal Fluminense, Niterói, 2008, p. 223.
Source: 
Source: “Commercio”, Jornal do Commercio, 1842-1852. Coffe: 60 kg bags; leather and horns: in units; others: in units. Others: products such as jacaranda wood (thick wood to be unfolded or sided), cedar boards and casks of tapioca.
Source: Graph 3