Abstract
Objective To investigate the impacts of horizontal moral harassment on the psychological well-being and personal lives of working women.
Methods The study adopted a qualitative approach, using semi-structured interviews with four participants who reported experiences of harassment in the workplace. Data analysis was guided by the content analysis methodology, based on the psychological well-being model proposed by Carol Ryff, structured around six dimensions: autonomy, self-acceptance, positive relationships with others, mastery of the environment, life purpose, and personal growth.
Results Peer harassment was found to have a broad effect on all six dimensions, compromising victims’ emotional health, interpersonal relationships, and self-esteem.
Conclusion The effects of symbolic violence go beyond the professional sphere and affect family and social relationships, as well as women’s life projects, indicating the urgent need for institutional prevention, support, and accountability practices. This study contributes to the debate on gender, symbolic violence, and mental health in the organizational context.
Keywords
Gender; Harassment; Psychological Well-being; Violence at Work; Occupational Health
Resumo
Objetivo Investigar os impactos do assédio moral horizontal sobre o bem-estar psicológico e a vida pessoal de mulheres trabalhadoras.
Métodos A pesquisa foi conduzida com base em uma abordagem qualitativa, utilizando entrevistas semiestruturadas com quatro participantes que relataram vivências de assédio no ambiente de trabalho. A análise dos dados foi orientada pela metodologia de análise de conteúdo, tendo como referência o modelo de bem-estar psicológico proposto por Carol Ryff, ancorado em seis dimensões: autonomia, autoaceitação, relações positivas com os outros, domínio do ambiente, propósito de vida e crescimento pessoal.
Resultados Observou-se que o assédio entre pares afeta, de forma ampla, todas as seis dimensões, comprometendo a saúde emocional, os vínculos interpessoais e a autoestima das vítimas.
Conclusão Os efeitos da violência simbólica ultrapassam o espaço profissional e atingem as relações familiares e sociais, bem como a projeção de futuro das mulheres, indicando a necessidade urgente de práticas institucionais de prevenção, acolhimento e responsabilização. O estudo contribui para o aprofundamento do debate sobre gênero, violência simbólica e saúde mental no contexto organizacional.
Palavras-chave
Gênero; Assédio Moral; Bem-Estar Psicológico; Violência no Trabalho; Saúde do Trabalhador
Introduction
Violence and harassment in the workplace have reached alarming levels worldwide. According to a survey conducted by the Lloyd’s Register Foundation-Gallup1, 22.8% of the employed population - around 743 million people - report having suffered some form of violence or harassment in 2021, including physical, psychological, and sexual manifestations. In the Americas, women reported experiencing these situations to a greater extent than men (39.0% versus 30.8%)1. In Brazil, from 2020 to 2023, the Labor Courts adjudicated 419,342 lawsuits involving moral and sexual harassment2, reflecting the increasing litigation related to this type of violence in the country.
Despite the advances established by international legislation aimed at protecting women’s rights, Brazilian society is still marked by historical and cultural structures sustained by patriarchy. These deep roots continue to influence the way women are treated in the labor market, reproducing stereotypes that associate them with physical fragility, emotional instability, and an almost natural responsibility for domestic care3. These patterns feed inequalities that are expressed in different ways in the day-to-day running of organizations, with horizontal moral harassment being one of its most recurrent manifestations, although it is under-recognized.
Moral harassment is a form of psychological violence, characterized by the systematic repetition of hostile conduct directed at a person or group in the workplace4. Symbolic violence can be understood as a form of invisible violence, sustained by relations of subjugation and submission. It is maintained precisely because it is recognized and accepted as natural by those involved, operating silently and subtly in social interactions. Therefore, it is a type of domination that is inscribed in everyday life as something evident and legitimate, leading the dominated subject themselves to collaborate, albeit unconsciously, in their own submission5.
Although recognized as a serious problem in the workplace, moral harassment persists as a reality that profoundly affects workers. However, the investigation of moral harassment by psychology and sociology only gained prominence in the last decades of the 20th century. This late analysis revealed harassment as a factor capable of destabilizing the daily life of institutions6.
The literature in this field associates the occurrence of this phenomenon with the precariousness of working conditions, which encourages competition between workers, at the same time as organizations emphasize values of cooperation and teamwork, which creates an organizational paradox, in which discourses of collaboration and competitive practices coexist, favoring the emergence of situations of symbolic and interpersonal violence, such as moral harassment7. For Pierre Bourdieu8, symbolic violence is a form of invisible coercion, exercised not by physical force, but by the imposition of meanings, values, and cultural norms of the dominant group on the dominated. It occurs when the dominated individual recognizes and accepts this domination as legitimate, internalizing the dominant group’s perception and thinking schemes9. Moral harassment translates this logic of symbolic violence into everyday interpersonal practices.
In vertical moral harassment, there is a hierarchical relationship between the perpetrator and the victim of the violence, and it can happen either downwards or upwards10. In descending harassment, the perpetrator occupies a higher position in the organization’s hierarchy. In ascending harassment, it’s the other way around: the practice comes from people in lower positions. There is also horizontal moral harassment, also called “hexagonal bullying”, which occurs between individuals who are on the same hierarchical level, i.e. between work colleagues. There is also what is known as “mixed bullying”, which occurs when a person is harassed both by superiors and by colleagues who are not directly subordinate to them10.
The issue of vulnerability to these different forms of moral harassment is not homogeneous. In work environments where unequal hierarchical relationships, gender stereotypes and an organizational culture that tolerates abusive behavior prevail, women end up being more vulnerable to moral harassment11. This vulnerability intensifies when we consider the double shift that many women face daily, divided between professional demands and domestic responsibilities, which increases the level of stress and emotional pressure on them.
Marie-France Hirigoyen12,13defines moral harassment at work as a diverse set of behaviors, words, actions, gestures, or writings that immediately harm the victim’s personality, dignity, and/or physical or psychological integrity12. When analyzing both victims and aggressors, the author describes various strategies used to prevent the harassed person from reacting, including denial of direct communication, disqualification, discrediting, isolation, vexation, inducing error, and even sexual harassment.
These hostile attitudes can be organized into four main categories, which help to understand more clearly the various manifestations of moral harassment in the workplace. In the case of horizontal moral harassment, even if it occurs between peers, gender power relations persist across the workplace and influence interactions between men and women. These symbolic relations of domination, sustained by patriarchal cultural patterns, reinforce the inequality of power even between individuals of equivalent hierarchical position, causing behaviors of disqualification, silencing, and delegitimization of women to be naturalized and perpetuated. In this way, horizontal moral harassment is also a space for the reproduction of symbolic gender violence, expressed in subtle practices of exclusion and inferiorization of women in the workplace6.
The first category concerns the intentional deterioration of working conditions. Examples include the systematic challenging of all decisions made by the victim, disproportionate, inappropriate, or unfair criticism, among other behaviors aimed at weakening their professional position. Horizontal moral harassment also involves the intentional deterioration of working conditions, although in a different way to situations involving formal hierarchies. This process can occur when colleagues at the same organizational level systematically discredit, undermine, or make it difficult for the victim to carry out their tasks. Symbolic differences derived from gender, age, or seniority in the organization can reinforce this dynamic.
The second category refers to isolation and refusal to communicate, expressed in attitudes such as deliberately excluding the victim from group interactions and decisions. The third category involves attacks on dignity, including vexatious behavior aimed at personal or professional aspects, such as contemptuous gestures, offensive comments, and insults. Finally, the fourth category includes forms of verbal, physical, and sexual violence, such as shouting, pushing, threats, insinuations, and situations of sexual harassment13.
Ethical organizational culture has been recognized as an important factor in preventing abusive conduct and moral deviance at work14,15. According to Kaptein14, morally virtuous organizations create conditions that encourage the ethical conduct of their members and discourage practices that violate norms of respect and justice. These conditions are not limited to formal documents or institutional discourse. They involve visible leadership behaviors, clear moral expectations, and consistent social control mechanisms. When ethical values become internalized in everyday life, actions such as humiliating, isolating, or disqualifying colleagues tend to be rejected by the group, contributing to building healthier working environments.
Three of the virtues in Kaptein’s Model of Corporate Ethical Virtues (CEV)14 are particularly useful for understanding and tackling horizontal moral harassment16. The virtue of congruence reinforces that leaders must align their actions with declared ethical norms, since their incoherence tends to legitimize abusive practices among subordinates. The virtue of discussability guarantees openness to dialog, formal reports, and reflection on moral dilemmas, which makes it difficult for peer harassment to remain invisible. Finally, the virtue of sanction/punishment ensures that unethical behavior is punished and that ethical conduct receives recognition, strengthening the perception of justice and discouraging ethical deviations such as harassment. These three virtues help explain how well-structured ethical cultures act as barriers against horizontal moral harassment and promote working relationships based on respect.
Given the negative impact of moral harassment, especially on the most vulnerable groups, it is pertinent to explore the concept of psychological well-being (PWB) as a counterpoint and a goal to be promoted in work environments. PWB proposes a broader approach focused on human development and how we deal with life’s challenges17. It seeks to understand what characterizes healthy and positive psychological functioning from various theoretical perspectives.
Studies that address the subjective effects of horizontal harassment on PWB, especially for women, can support the development of institutional policies aimed at tackling the problem. The lack of studies that carefully explore the subjective impacts of this phenomenon, especially on the lives of women, reveals how much more integrated approaches are still needed, which consider both the work environment and the individual experience of each person.
The general aim of this study was to investigate the impact of horizontal moral harassment on the PWB and personal lives of working women. The specific objectives were: 1) to investigate the effects of horizontal moral harassment on the private lives of working women, considering its repercussions in everyday life beyond the professional environment, 2) to analyze the repercussions of this form of violence on all spheres of the participants’ PWB, considering its multiple dimensions beyond the work context, and finally, 3) to reflect on the structural and symbolic impacts of moral harassment on the trajectory of these women, with a view to supporting the formulation of institutional policies that are more humane, equitable and committed to dignity at work.
Methods
Participants
The sample consisted of four Brazilian workers who identified as women and who had experienced and/or reported experiences of horizontal moral harassment in the workplace. Participant (A), 28, self-identified as black, heterosexual, holds a university degree, four years’ professional experience and works as an assistant. Participant (B), white, heterosexual, 31 years old, ten years of professional experience, also with a university degree, and, at the time of the harassment, worked as a communications analyst. Participant (C), 39, white, heterosexual, had had worked at the company where the harassment occurred for nine years, held the position of analyst, but was working as an assistant at the time of the episodes. Finally, participant (D), 27 years old, white, heterosexual, with three years’ experience in the organization where she currently works as an assistant, reported suffering moral harassment.
The selection was made by convenience, recruiting professionals from the researchers’ contact networks, provided they met the established criteria. The inclusion criterion was women who worked or had worked and who had witnessed and/or experienced situations of horizontal moral harassment in their work environment. All the participants reported horizontal moral harassment, exclusively perpetrated by men.
Instruments
Semi-structured interviews were conducted with 10 open-ended questions aimed at understanding the experiences of moral harassment and its impact on the PWB. Socio-demographic data was also collected, such as gender identity, sexual orientation, race, level of education, current employment relationship, length of time in the organization, and position held.
Procedures
The participants were selected based on reports that fit the core elements of horizontal moral harassment, as described in the specialized literature5,12. Horizontal moral harassment was considered to have been experienced when the report included: a) systematic repetition of hostile conduct directed at the participant by colleagues of the same hierarchical level, b) actions of disqualification, devaluation, isolation, or humiliation in the work environment, c) noticeable effects on the participant’s PWB or professional performance, and d) absence of a formal hierarchy of power between victim and aggressor, so that the harassment was not configured as vertical. This definition ensured that the selection of participants was restricted to situations of horizontal moral harassment, in which the aggressor held an equivalent position in the organizational hierarchy.
The interviews were conducted face-to-face, in private locations, and recorded for later transcription. Each interview lasted between 30 and 50 minutes and was conducted in a welcoming and reflective environment, allowing the interviewee to share, freely and in depth, subjective aspects of her experience.
Data analysis
To contextualize the analysis of the participants’ experiences, the practices and conduct that constitute horizontal moral harassment were initially highlighted, according to the criteria adopted by the study12,13.
Bardin’s Content Analysis was used18, starting with the interviews, selection of specific content addressed in the interviews, description, and systematization into categories directly related to the object of study of this research and, finally, analysis of the content of the material. Its structure consists of three phases: 1) pre-analysis; 2) exploration of the material, categorization and/or coding; and 3) treatment of the results, inferences and interpretation18.
To better understand the repercussions of moral harassment on PWB, we adopted the model developed by Ryff17, who considers PWB to be multidimensional, i.e. made up of several complementary aspects. This model, first proposed in 1989 and later expanded in partnership with Keyes19, covers six main dimensions: self-acceptance (which refers to how the person evaluates themselves and their life trajectory), personal growth (the perception of developing and evolving as a human being), life purpose (the feeling that life has meaning and direction), positive relationships with others (the quality of interpersonal bonds), mastery of the environment (the ability to deal with and influence one’s surroundings), and autonomy (the ability to act in accordance with one’s own convictions)19.
Ethical considerations
This study was approved by the Research Ethics Committee of the Centro Universitário de Brasília, according to an informed opinion issued under the number 82028424.0.0000.0023, on November 11, 2024. All the participants were duly informed about the objectives of the research, the voluntariness of their participation, the guarantee of anonymity and the confidentiality of the data and signed the Informed Consent Form before the interviews were carried out. To ensure anonymity, the names and any information that could identify the participants were omitted or modified to protect their identity.
Results
Among the actions reported by the interviewees were: systematically challenging decisions, disproportionate or unfair criticism, deliberate exclusion from meetings and group decision-making processes, disqualification of professional skills, contemptuous gestures, offensive comments, spreading rumors or gossip about the victim’s conduct, as well as sexist comments or jokes that reinforce the idea of women’s inferiority. These practices show recurring hostile behavior between colleagues at the same hierarchical level, clearly characterizing horizontal moral harassment in the context analyzed.
The participants’ reports showed the wide-ranging impact of horizontal moral harassment on various dimensions of PWB, according to Ryff’s theoretical model: autonomy, positive relationships with others, self-acceptance, mastery of the environment, life purpose, and personal growth17,18. For analytical purposes, the six dimensions proposed by the author were used: autonomy, positive relationships with others, self-acceptance, mastery of the environment, life purpose, and personal growth. The data compiled by category with the number and example of verbalizations is condensed in Tables 1 to 5. Each category is then discussed in the light of the interviews and the theoretical framework.
Category 1 autonomy (Table 1), as described by Ryff, refers to the individual’s ability to act independently, to make decisions based on personal criteria and to maintain consistency with their own values, even in the face of external pressures17,18. In the experiences analyzed, this dimension was systematically affected by horizontal moral harassment, which restricted freedom of expression and deteriorated the ability to take a critical stance.
The participants reported experiences of silencing, self-censorship, and recurring hesitation in the face of abusive situations. Many expressed the difficulty of identifying harassment immediately, since it manifested itself in a diffuse and fragmented way, which made it difficult to name. This uncertainty compromised clarity of judgment and inhibited reactions to confront it. Moral harassment often operates in a veiled manner, inducing the victim to internalize guilt and doubt their own perception20.
The lack of support from colleagues, even in the face of the situations witnessed, aggravated this process of withdrawal. In organizational environments marked by symbolic violence, a chain of intolerance prevails, triggering a continuous cycle of subjective suffering21. Fear of judgment, coupled with the search for acceptance in the group, favored self-censoring behavior. Some participants reported avoiding speaking out or proposing ideas because they anticipated rejection, internalizing patterns of devaluation.
As horizontal harassment occurs between colleagues at the same level, it intensifies ambiguity and makes it difficult to report, making social control and relational boycotts effective forms of coercion. The process of adapting to the logic of silence leads to submission and the somatization of suffering, gradually eroding autonomy. Although some interviewees expressed a desire to change, such as looking for other areas in the company or making plans to leave, these initiatives were limited by institutional barriers and subjective insecurity22.
Category 2 represents the dimension of positive relationships (Table 2), which refers to the ability to build and maintain interpersonal bonds marked by affection, empathy, trust and reciprocity17,18. However, the reports indicate that horizontal moral harassment significantly deteriorated the participants’ network of relationships, leading to a progressive distancing from colleagues, a breakdown in trust and emotional isolation.
The work environment, initially conceived as a space for coexistence and mutual support, became a place of hostility and loneliness. The interviewees reported voluntary withdrawal after episodes of exclusion, which was interpreted as a form of self-preservation. In organizational contexts marked by competitiveness and intolerance, subjects considered “unproductive”, “critical”, or “non-compliant” are stigmatized and isolated21.
Peer support was occasional and limited. Most of the participants reported that they had not found institutional or collective support, and sought shelter from external networks such as family, religion or friends. This gap reinforces what Hirigoyen12,13 points out: the lack of support within the workplace prolongs suffering and silences the victim. The impact of work experiences was not restricted to the organizational environment. The participants described how the suffering spilled over into their personal lives, affecting marriages, relationships with children, and moments of intimacy. Individuals move through multiple contexts and roles, and negative experiences at work tend to have repercussions in other spheres of life23,24.
The search for external validation, albeit disorganized, emerged as a coping strategy. Some participants reported the need to share their stories with friends and acquaintances in an attempt to confirm that they were “right” to feel the way they did. This search for recognition reflects the institutional invisibilization of suffering, especially when discussing the concept of “negative individualism”25. When the organization fails to recognize the violence, the victim ends up isolated and begins to doubt themselves.
Category 3 refers to self-acceptance (Table 3), which is understood as the ability to recognize and accept one’s own history, virtues and limitations with respect and compassion17,18. This dimension was also affected in a strong way by the interviewees. The majority reported feelings of inadequacy, insecurity, and self-deprecation, as well as negative changes to their self-image.
Many women internalized discourses of devaluation in the workplace, which resulted in intense self-criticism. Some reported abandoning self-care and feeling ashamed when they looked in the mirror. These manifestations are in line with what has been discussed about the corrosion of self-esteem - the foundation of identity and citizenship - caused by perverse practices in labor relations26.
Seemingly banal situations, such as “jokes” about the body, proved to be deeply invasive and offensive in an already hostile context. Collective laughter can be an instrument of symbolic exclusion, reinforcing prejudices and hurting self-esteem in a subtle but persistent way27. Although some participants showed efforts to strengthen themselves, seeking studies, specializations, and development, these movements were often undermined by the constant invalidation of their skills in the workplace. This shows how self-acceptance, far from being an isolated individual attribute, depends on the recognition and legitimacy attributed by relationships and the context.
In summary, the reports indicate how much this category has been shaken by the experiences of horizontal moral harassment faced by the participants. Difficulties in seeing themselves with affection, trusting their feelings, feeling worthy of recognition, and sustaining a positive self-image were wounds opened up by organizational practices marked by symbolic violence. And these effects were not confined to the workplace but also echoed in the way these women began to see themselves, judge themselves and take care of themselves.
Category 4 was mastery of the environment (Table 4), as proposed by Ryff17,18, which refers to the individual’s ability to effectively manage the demands of everyday life, exert influence over their environment and organize their life in a way that favors their own well-being. This dimension presupposes not only practical competence, but also a sense of control and emotional stability in the face of challenges.
In the participants’ reports, this dimension appeared to be severely compromised. The interviewees described a progressive loss of control over their work routine and, in many cases, their personal lives. Episodes of intense suffering associated with the working day, such as bouts of crying before and after work, illustrate the symbolic emptying of the professional environment as a space of belonging and fulfillment. Work, once a source of meaning, has become a place of persistent suffering and emotional exhaustion. Repeated symbolic violence at work tends to destabilize the subjective bond with professional activity, stripping it off its existential value12,13.
The attempts to adapt, far from reflecting an active coping capacity, proved to be survival strategies. Many participants reported abandoning self-care practices, such as physical exercise or leisure time, due to mental exhaustion. There were also references to the use of substances as an attempt to anesthetize suffering, such as alcohol or marijuana. It is noteworthy that moral harassment, by violating the dignity of the worker, can trigger intense psychological suffering, often camouflaged by harmful adaptive behaviors28.
Psychosomatic repercussions were also recurrently reported. Weight changes, eating disorders, recurrent infections, and excessive use of medication appeared as physical manifestations of psychic suffering that were not institutionally recognized. When addressing the effects of moral harassment, it has been observed that psychosomatic disorders are frequent among victims, reflecting the rupture between the lived experience and the social recognition of this reality12,13.
Despite the adverse context, some participants reported efforts to maintain some emotional stability, such as seeking therapy, investing in studies, or resuming leisure practices. However, it is not possible to hold the individual exclusively responsible for their recovery, since suffering is produced and maintained by organizational dynamics29. Mastery of the environment, therefore, depends not only on individual skills, but above all on external conditions that respect human dignity and provide subjective security.
Category 5 reflects the dimension of life purpose (Table 5) which, as outlined by Ryff17,18, refers to a sense of existential direction, supported by meaningful personal goals and coherence between values, actions, and aspirations. It is the ability to perceive life as meaningful, even in the face of adversity.
This dimension was one of the most prominent in the participants’ statements. The suffering caused by horizontal moral harassment went beyond the workplace, directly affecting subjective organization, personal projects, and daily motivation. Many interviewees described states of discouragement and demobilization, in which the bond with life became fragile. Routine lost its meaning, and dreams that had previously been cultivated began to seem distant or unfeasible.
In some cases, the suffering was already present when the participants woke up, even before they arrived at work. One of them reported waking up with her heart racing and negative thoughts about the day ahead, which shows a permanent state of alert. In situations of prolonged harassment, it is common for the victim to develop symptoms associated with chronic stress, preventing them from enjoying everyday experiences with peace of mind12,13.
Broken expectations of staying in a career were another recurring theme. Many of the participants, even though they wanted to continue in the professional field in which they worked, began to see their current job as just a “steppingstone”, or a transitory means, with no emotional identification. Some mentioned difficulties in studying, even though they recognized that this would be important to change jobs, which reveals generalized psychological exhaustion. The difficulty of naming or proving harassment, especially in contexts of financial insecurity, increases the victim’s vulnerability and compromises their ability to plan future strategies30.
Finally, category 6, personal growth (Table 5), is understood as the continuous capacity for internal development, openness to change and willingness to learn from experiences over time17,18. This dimension refers to the possibility of reinventing oneself in the face of challenges and expanding one’s own awareness.
The interviewees’ statements showed how much this growth process can be interrupted in organizational contexts marked by symbolic violence. Horizontal moral harassment generated emotional and cognitive blockages that affected motivation, creativity, and self-confidence. Harassment compromises not only productivity, but also the individual’s mental and emotional functioning, affecting their ability to plan for the future31.
However, even in the face of suffering, some participants showed attempts to give new meaning to their experiences. Reports such as “this pain has become fuel” or “today I’m stronger” show a search for meaning that goes beyond the condition of victim. In this context, a distinction is made between pathogenic suffering and creative suffering, the latter being marked by the individual’s ability to transform pain into a source of psychological strength, provided there is adequate support32.
Despite this, many of these attempts at reconstruction were crossed by material and emotional limitations, such as the impossibility of resigning or the lack of institutional support. In hostile environments, quitting one’s job may be the only possible means of self-preservation, given the precariousness of relationships and the fragility of interpersonal ties25.
Discussion
The central aim of this study was to understand the impact of horizontal moral harassment on the dimensions of the PWB and on the private lives of women who have experienced this form of violence in the workplace. Using a qualitative approach and listening to four women, it was possible to gain access to subjective experiences marked by pain, silencing and resistance, often crossed by a symbolic violence that is difficult to identify or formally recognize, but deeply damaging.
The results showed that horizontal moral harassment compromises essential aspects of the PWB, such as autonomy, self-esteem, the quality of interpersonal relationships, mastery of the environment, and life purpose. These impacts extend beyond the workplace, directly affecting the mental health, family ties, and self-perception of the participants. It was evident that this type of harassment, because it occurs between colleagues and manifests itself through subtle and naturalized conduct, tends to be invisible, aggravating suffering and making institutional recognition more difficult.
It is worth highlighting the role of the organizational context in maintaining moral harassment practices among peers. Moral harassment is influenced by institutional norms, organizational culture, management style, and leadership behavior. Studies on organizational ethical culture show that the existence of a solid ethical infrastructure, consisting of ethics programs, codes of conduct, an ethical climate, and coherent leadership actions, contribute to reducing deviant behavior and promoting moral decisions in everyday work33. A culture strongly guided by ethical values tends to make ethical practices automatic and part of “the way things are done here”, reducing the likelihood of abusive conduct being tolerated or naturalized in the workplace33,34. Therefore, strengthening an ethical culture plays a central role in preventing moral harassment, favoring healthy relationships and responsible performance management, without encouraging unethical behavior.
Moreover, the literature shows that ethical leadership plays an essential role in promoting healthy working environments and combating horizontal moral harassment among colleagues35. Leaders who act as models of justice, respect, and transparent communication, who reinforce ethical behavior and intervene in the face of ethical deviations, tend to reduce unethical practices at work. The consistency of these leadership behaviors reinforces positive perceptions among subordinates, increasing cooperation, trust, and confidence in reporting abusive behavior. When managers take an active and preventive stance, making it clear that attitudes of humiliation, isolation, or intimidation will not be tolerated, the chances of such interactions becoming normalized among peers are reduced35. Therefore, investing in the training and development of ethically oriented leaders helps to prevent the occurrence of moral harassment, whether vertical or horizontal. From a theoretical point of view, the research contributes by broadening the understanding of moral harassment among peers, a subject that has not yet been explored in psychological literature. By integrating the subjective and institutional dimensions of the phenomenon, the study reinforces the need for approaches that consider social markers, such as gender, and their implications for the dynamics of exclusion and everyday violence.
On a practical level, the findings suggest that organizations need to review their organizational structures and cultures, investing in building an ethical organizational culture, inclusive environments, and a commitment to promoting mental health and psychological safety. Strategies such as strengthening listening and reporting channels, training leaders, promoting safe spaces for dialogue, and valuing diversity are fundamental measures for preventing and tackling moral harassment.
Limitations include the small number of participants and the selection of organizations, which restrict the generalization of the data. Furthermore, the research focused exclusively on the perceptions of women who had experienced harassment, without including other perspectives involved in the context. Future research could broaden the diversity of the sample, explore different organizational realities and incorporate intersectional analyses, considering factors such as race, age, disability, and sexual orientation, for a more comprehensive understanding of the phenomenon.
To sum up, horizontal moral harassment is a silent but highly damaging phenomenon that has a negative impact not only on women’s professional lives, but also on their mental health, personal projects and interpersonal relationships. Identifying, welcoming, and intervening in the face of this reality is an urgent institutional responsibility. The denaturalization of violence in the workplace and the promotion of truly humanized workplaces require a collective ethical commitment based on dignity, mutual respect and the practice of active listening.
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Information on academic work:
Article based on Luisa Pugliese Pacheco’s course completion monograph, entitled “Assédio moral horizontal: impactos sobre a vida profissional e bem-estar psicológico de mulheres trabalhadoras (Horizontal moral harassment: impacts on the professional life and psychological well-being of working women)”, defended in 2025 in the Psychology Course at the Centro Universitário de Brasília.
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Data availability:
The Research Ethics Committee that approved the study did not authorize the public sharing of the database, only allowing its use for the purposes set out in the approved protocol.
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Statement on the use of Artificial Intelligence:
During the preparation of the article, the artificial intelligence tool ChatGPT (model GPT-5.2, OpenAI, version in force in 2025) was used, with the aim of reviewing the language of the manuscript and supporting the verification and adaptation to editorial and scientific standards. The authors declare that they have reviewed and validated all the content generated with the help of an artificial intelligence tool.
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Presentation at a scientific event:
The authors declare that the study has not been presented at a scientific event.
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Funding:
The authors declare that the study was not subsidized.
Edited by
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Responsible editors:
Lucieneida Dováo Praun https://orcid.org/0000-0002-4386-324X Universidade Federal do ABCLeila Posenato Garcia https://orcid.org/0000-0003-1146-2641 Fundação Jorge Duprat Figueiredo de Segurança e Medicina do Trabalho -FUNDACENTROLúcia Rotenberg https://orcid.org/0000-0002-4132-2167 Fundação Oswaldo Cruz - FIOCRUZTânia Maria de Araújo https://orcid.org/0000-0003-2766-7799 Universidade Estadual de Feira de Santana - UEFS
The Research Ethics Committee that approved the study did not authorize the public sharing of the database, only allowing its use for the purposes set out in the approved protocol.
