Geographies of Buen Vivir: Counter-Colonial Resistances of Brazilian Rural WomenAbstract
This study aims to explore care practices, axes of struggle, and resistances to the coloniality of power that emerge from the experiences of Brazilian rural women, especially those organized around the March of the Daisies, who are directly impacted by the predatory extractivism that oppresses them. We adopt a qualitative methodology, based on a critical bibliographic review to understand the strategies and struggles of rural women from noncentral territorialities against patriarchal, colonial, racist, and agro-capitalist power structures. Thus, rural women - in Brazil and also in Abya Yala - emerge as a mobilizing force and collective resistance, which sustains ways of life and ensures the continuity of existence itself, in the construction of a “Geography of Buen Vivir” in the face of the colonial project that reverberates to the present day.
Keywords:
rural women; resistances; counter-coloniality.
Resumo
Este estudo visa explorar as práticas de cuidado, eixos de luta e resistências à colonialidade do poder que emergem das experiências de mulheres rurais brasileiras, especialmente as organizadas em torno da Marcha das Margaridas, diretamente impactadas pelo extrativismo predatório que as oprime. Adotamos uma metodologia qualitativa, pautada em uma revisão bibliográfica crítica para compreender as estratégias e lutas de mulheres rurais, de territorialidades não centrais contra as estruturas de poder patriarcal, colonial, racista e agrocapitalista. Assim, as mulheres rurais - no Brasil e também em Abya Yala - emergem como uma força mobilizadora e de resistência coletiva, sustentando modos de vida e assegurando a continuidade da própria existência, na construção de uma “Geografia do Bem Viver” ante o projeto colonial que reverbera até a contemporaneidade.
Palavras-chave:
mulheres rurais; resistências; contracolonialidade.
Resumen
Este estudio se propone explorar las prácticas de cuidado, ejes de lucha y las resistencias a la colonialidad del poder que emergen de las experiencias de mujeres rurales brasileñas, especialmente aquellas organizadas en torno a la Marcha de las Margaritas, directamente impactadas por el extractivismo predatorio que las oprime. Adoptamos una metodología cualitativa, pautada en una revisión bibliográfica crítica para comprender las estrategias y luchas de mujeres rurales, de territorialidades no centrales, contra las estructuras de poder patriarcal, colonial, racista y agrocapitalista. Así, las mujeres rurales - en Brasil y también en Abya Yala - emergen como una fuerza movilizadora y de resistencia colectiva, que sostiene modos de vida y asegura la continuidad de la propia existencia, en la construcción de una “Geografía del Buen Vivir” ante el proyecto colonial que reverbera hasta la contemporaneidad.
Palabras clave:
mujeres rurales; resistencias; contracolonialidad.
Introducción
It is important to produce research with the potential to recognize how rural women, throughout history, have been subjected to various forms of violence for occupying strategic positions in the counter-colonial struggle. They construct a pedagogy of care for the world that challenges colonial projects of extermination and epistemicide, acting in the protection of their communities, territories, and Nature itself.
The central objective of this research is to make visible the experiences of resistance of Brazilian rural women, linked to the March of the Margaridas. The potential for confronting coloniality, agro-export power, and patriarchalism is analyzed, elements that reverberate in the promotion of a Geography of Good Living.
To this end, we draw on decolonial critical theory to discuss the centrality of the colonial power project in the organization of social relations, as well as the category of coloniality presented by Aníbal Quijano (1992; 2005; 2009). According to the author, the idea of race underpinned the Eurocentric power pattern, used to legitimize the process of colonization and domination of the territory of Latin America. The theories of decolonial feminism by María Lugones (2014) were mobilized to understand the oppression of subalternized women (black, indigenous, etc.) in the modern/capitalist/colonial world-system, considering the intersection between race, social class, gender, and sexuality. The text starts from the conception that gender, for some indigenous and African societies, was imposed, and this meant a double form of domination in the post-colonial invasion.
For the debate on the Geography of Good Living, we start from the studies of Walsh (2010), Salgado (2010), Gudynas (2011), Svampa (2012), and Muraca (2022). We understand that Brazilian rural women not only resist, but also produce new geographies for maintaining Good Living in their communities. Their practices of struggle - ecoterritorial feminist practices - engage with ancestral and local knowledge (Svampa, 2021), and they place themselves on the front lines in defense of water, natural resources, their body-territories, and for environmental and gender justice.
Geography of Good Living: Between Practices of Resistance and Confronting Coloniality
Coloniality is a category conceived by Aníbal Quijano (1992; 2005; 2009) to analyze the structures currently maintained by the colonial power project initially imposed on America from 1492 onwards and radiating throughout the planet in the following centuries, consolidating itself as a hegemonic and systematic global power. This implied the construction of numerous forms of complex hierarchies and intertwined levels of domination, based on European rationality. For the author, Eurocentrism would sustain the cultural, epistemic3, ontological, and social matrix; colonialism, the institutional matrix; and capitalism would provide support for the economic and political matrix.
According to Quijano (2009), the colonialism that took hold in the Americas can be considered a geopolitical domination dating from the 16th to the 18th centuries, and its organizational rationality was expanded with an emphasis on the search for consumer markets for surplus capital in the 19th century, in the process known as imperialism or neocolonialism. In the first stage, a technology of domination of the division of labor was created, based on the phenotypic identification of people, which we commonly know as racialization. That is, the modern ideas of classifying people by race were created during the invasion of the Americas, a priori, as a biological differentiation, and during imperialism and neocolonialism, scientifically systematized through the creation of racist theses, which consolidated so-called scientific racism. During this period, European intellectuals established disciplines (craniology, eugenics, etc.) and produced works based on the belief in a racial hierarchy, with the European race being synonymous with civilization, progress, development, and therefore occupying the highest place in humanity. It was based on the division of humanity into superior and inferior races that the systematization of the economic and political system of capitalism occurred, which Quijano (2005) called the "Social Geography of Capitalism," reserving paid work for white people, descendants of Europeans, and servitude and enslavement for indigenous and black people. Therefore, this system of social domination based on racial classification remains structured today in the Eurocentric universal narrative, as well as in the asymmetrical power and knowledge relations between countries of the Global South and North.
In the theses developed by Quijano on the power pattern established in America, there are four central elements: a) domination in the spheres of the division of labor, as well as who appropriates all the wealth generated; b) control of collective authority and subjectivity/intersubjectivity; c) social organization based on racial classification; d) control and domination through the sphere of sex. According to Lugones (2014), the latter appears in a misleading way, especially in relation to the control and domination of women's bodies, which, for Quijano, is unquestionably seen only from a biological point of view.
Therefore, the author presents a theoretical shift in relation to Quijano's work, pointing out that in the power pattern of the global world system there would be the existence of what she called the coloniality of gender, intersecting the categories of race, social class, gender and sexuality to understand with more epistemic sophistication the multiple forms of oppression, violence and, on the other hand, resistance to the colonial power project and the decolonization of subjectivities. The author also points out that for black and indigenous women, the colonial project was a dual process of racial inferiorization and gender subordination (Lugones, 2014).
Thus, gender coloniality is an analytical and heuristic category located “at the starting point of the coalition,” and through it we can understand “the fractured locus that resists” power relations (Lugones, 2014, p. 948). Therefore, in the second part of the text we will discuss how Brazilian rural women from the March of the Margaridas question the dichotomous model of the capitalist/colonial/modern and ontological-Manichean system in which heteropatriarchy organizes practices of violence and oppression, characterizing itself as a model for organizing social relations.
In this way, when discussing the numerous forms of women's struggle organization in contemporary society, it is necessary to reflect on how gender coloniality functions as an instrument of power that imposes relations of subordination and systemic violence on indigenous, black, quilombola, and working-class women.
This text starts from the principle that the struggles undertaken by rural women constitute a logic founded on collective well-being. What we now call "Geographies of Well-being," bodies-territories that claim the right to exist linked to the right to territory, considering that for rural peoples the struggle for land is above all a resistance against coloniality and capitalism that advance to extinguish traditional ways of life and knowledge.
Well-being is considered a cosmology (Walsh, 2010), a centered indigenous development model (Radcliffe, 2012) or even an alternative to the Western concept of development (Gudynas, 2011). The term originates from the Quechua language. Furthermore, for Salgado (2010), from a semantic point of view, well-being was a translation of sumaq kawsay, where sumaq means beauty, tenderness; So sumak kawsay can be read as a beautiful way of living, guided not only by a happy life through the possession of material goods, but above all by a theoretical and political reworking of the spiritual dimension of the meaning of life in community. Muraca (2022) adds:
In the face of the current global ecological and social crisis, Buen Vivir (Good Living) is gaining strength and scope as a horizon of meaning capable of sustaining and guiding practices and reflections that seek to build another world, directed by the seeds of alternatives that already exist, although often hidden by the dominant system (Muraca, 2022, p. 34).
The concept of "Buen Vivir" (Good Living) is built upon the struggle for territory, and therefore can be interpreted through what we call in this text the spatialized struggle of a "Geography of Good Living," which focuses on promoting reciprocity, interdependence, a sense of collectivity, the vision that land and territory are sacred for the maintenance of life, and female (and feminist) protagonism in reflecting on alternatives to the predatory cycle of destruction of the planet.
The struggles that arise from this commitment to the well-being - or living well - of human beings aim to trace a worldview of counter-hegemonic knowledge/practices and to confront the productions of the "worlds of death" conceived by the agro-export and extractive model implemented by the colonial invasion; therefore, there is a recognition that humans are interdependent and a constituent part of Nature.
For example, ecofeminism draws inspiration from discussions of Good Living (Buen Vivir) by arguing that domination and violence against women have the same root as the unbridled exploitation of Nature, a result of the imposition of powers stemming from the patriarchal and capitalist system, linked to colonialism. Thus, the struggles of the peoples of the Global South, especially women, can be an alternative to structuring new paradigms, in which science and technology are at the service of the reintegration of culture and work. The authors Mies and Shiva (2014) present an ecofeminist proposal centered on the environmental, political, socioeconomic, and intellectual (de)colonization of the interdependence of human beings in relation to Nature.
Community feminism, as proposed by Julieta Paredes (and others), also draws on the ideas of Good Living, which are centered on community life and a deep relationship with the land. This movement stems from the struggles of indigenous women in Bolivia against the various relationships engendered by colonial power, connected to social relations of class and gender, being a priori a strategy of struggle against the triangulation of domination, pointing towards a “depatriarchalizing; therefore, decolonizing, deheterosexualizing, anti-sexist, anti-classist and anti-racist” feminism (Paredes, 2013, p. 120) (our translation). Paredes' proposal also indicates that “[…] it is necessary to inquire, with a view to political participation in the present with transformative potential, into the forms of resistance of women in the past” (Paredes, 2006, p. 72) (our translation).
Both ecofeminism and community feminism, while respecting their specificities and territorial origins, are political movements with their own epistemologies, which can be recognized in the demands and worldviews of Brazilian rural women as part of a broader resistance to neoliberalism, anti-imperialism, anti-patriarchalism, and anti-colonialism. Furthermore, they are constituted from the concepts of the Geography of Good Living, considering the demands for combating violence, promoting social justice and democracy, rights, and for building public policies that guarantee women's sovereignty in their territories, confronting the colonial structures that still remain, as Muraca (2022, p. 36) points out:
[…] in fact, the arrival of colonial patriarchy through European invasion, with its racist ideological system and the imposition of capitalism, caused a reconfiguration of the previous patriarchy, with the establishment of pacts and agreements related to the body and the land, which determined sexual violence, genocide, dispossession, depredation, and barbarity.
It is in this sense that the Geography of Good Living intertwines the struggles of women in Latin America, as well as the actions of the Margaridas, adopting a political advocacy approach to transform social reality.
The March of the Daisies: a counter-colonial offensive by women from the Global South.
As an economic model for extracting natural resources for profit, extractivism - or extractivisms - has been impacted by experiences of struggle, defense, and territorialized knowledge, to which different feminisms - popular, counter-colonial - converge in the effective construction of counter-powers (Duarte, 2022). Beyond colonial dichotomies, this endeavor has its profusion stemming from the experiences of women, indigenous and rural women in Latin America, and with particular emphasis in this article, in Brazil.
Thus, the non-urban context has been the stage for what Maristella Svampa (2012) calls an extractivist inflection in the last decade in favor of guaranteeing a Good Life or even maintaining community ways of life and defending body-territories.
Faced with the human arrogance of remaining at the center (Castro, 2023), socio-environmental risks become political and especially affect those culturally responsible for care. Climate change, the presence of pesticides in food, harmful minerals in water, floods, wildfires, long periods of drought... The distributive logic of socio-environmental problems is related to social position/stratification and, therefore, reinforces inequalities and violence in global and technological society. However,
The political protagonism of women is evident (...). Women have been at the forefront of resistance struggles, breaking the silence, demanding the right to justice, restraining repressive forces, denouncing crimes against themselves and their communities, acting collectively in defense of bodies-territories (Rodas; Muralles, 2023, p. 297).
From the expanded notion of extractivism, we understand women's bodies as historically amalgamated by colonial, patriarchal power and violence, which characterizes them and is also expended against Nature (in the feminine). This, from the romantic imagination, was constructed as wild, exploitable, to be deflowered by modernity. And so it has been ever since, which leads us to a direct patriarchal association between the feminine and exploitation, or as Shiva and Mies (2014, p. 164) say, "the marginalization of women and the destruction of biodiversity go hand in hand."
And women have not remained silent in the face of this double denunciation: it is they - and especially those from the Global South - who have fought for the wellbeing of all from "fertile epistemological terrains of cultural creativity, insurgent consciousness and political rebellion" (Cunha, 2011, p. 28). And so have the Margaridas, direct heirs of Margarida Maria Alves, a union leader assassinated in 1983, in the context of the civil-military dictatorship, in the interior of Paraíba, in the Brazilian Northeast.
For defending the rights of rural workers in the region, the union leader had her life taken at the behest of the large landowners, a crime that remains unpunished to this day. Given the omission of justice, it was taken to the Inter-American Court of Human Rights of the Organization of American States, which held the Brazilian State responsible for violations of such guarantees. An explicit case of agrocapitalist violence (or femicide) (Prévost, 2022) as punishment for encroaching on the domestic and private sphere, Margarida became a seed; today she inspires the largest women's action in Latin America, the March of the Margaridas. Her memory remains alive in the women who carry out this action-movement and who embody her name and ancestral strength as a political category.
Courage has been and continues to be the keynote of Margarida(s). This, according to Hannah Arendt (2014), is the virtue of drive, when the collective becomes the center of concerns and actions, the amor mundi. Therefore, care for the world surpasses self-care. Margarida Alves received several death threats and yet she insisted that it was "better to die fighting than to die of hunger," revealing the power of the courage to exist and not remain silent, in addition to denouncing the situation of sugarcane workers in the Paraíba hinterland. "The dark times," which Arendt thought and spoke of, were not far from what was happening on the plantations of the 20th century. A truculent atmosphere that mingled with the colonial power of the boss, the subjugation and dehumanization of those who were at the base of maintaining this power with structural roots. In the face of apathy towards the world, courage. And Margarida taught us well about this - and inspired others.
Bringing together more than 100,000 women at each edition, the March of the Daisies has a perennial character given the organic nature of the action, which includes everything from grassroots organizations and rural unions to the coordination of CONTAG - the National Confederation of Rural Workers, Farmers and Family Farmers, through its Women's Secretariat. Having emerged in 2000, the MM has had seven editions and has had women participants from all states of the country, in their constitutive, identity and territorial diversity: family farmers, coconut breakers, riverside dwellers, quilombola women, indigenous women, faxinaleza women, women from fundo de pasto, etc. Each edition bears the mark of its time and the specific demands of women, but with a common foundation: the defense of their bodies-territories and a project for a conscious and sustainable society.
Therefore, in critiques of the structures that shape us-colonialism, capitalism, heteropatriarchy, racism, to name a few-these women construct another possible world and unite with other voices from Abya Yala (from the Kuna language: ripe land; here synonymous with Latin America). Lest we forget that:
Women have been and continue to be the ones who highlight the art of organizing hope. Even so, women of all ages, times, and geographies, who defend territories, are made invisible, erased, and silenced, even though they are the ones who reproduce the life of resistance itself; their bodies are the first military targets for expropriation; they are the caretakers of future generations; they are the ones who have to fulfill, in addition to a multiple workload, a double militancy (outside and inside their communities) (Hernández; Jiménez, 2023, p. 24).
According to Amaia Orozco (2021), the neo-extractive advance - coupled with neoliberal conservatism - is particularly threatening the lives of women. As a result, there has been an increase in femicides - just open the news, every day, without exception, there are reports of cases of violence against women, not to mention underreporting. This violence affects them, also because they are more active in resisting and denouncing that a better world for all people will only be possible in line with a more harmonious relationship with the land and the environment.
This denunciation, in dialogue with local and ancestral knowledge, has given rise to what Svampa (2021) calls an ecoterritorial turn - or ecoterritorial feminisms, in an intrinsic relationship between body and territory, led by Latin American women and who.
They add to existing ecofeminisms a praxis and a narrative centered on the defense of water, on bodies-territories, on food sovereignty, on environmental justice as social and gender justice, associated with spirituality and emotion, which illustrates an interconnection with the Earth and the whole of life, opposed to the dominant one” (Svampa, 2021, p. 24).
It is important to mention that initially many of these struggles did not call themselves feminist, however, given their experiences and trajectories, they gradually become feminist, such as the March of the Daisies in Brazil, whose feminist identity has become more explicit over its 25 years of existence.
The 6th March of the Daisies, held in 2019, in a context of the withdrawal of rights and during a far-right government, resulted in the publication of a document, the Political Platform of the March of the Daisies, which summarizes its main banners of struggle, which we see synthetically below:
Based on the analysis of this document, we observe that the Margaridas, in conjunction with other women's struggles in Abya Yala, perceive the incompatibility of life with the current development model and with an episteme that hierarchizes popular knowledge, refuting a simplistic and dualistic view of reality. The Platform shows us that for Brazilian rural women, environmental justice is inseparable from gender justice and the autonomy of their bodies and territories.
Their Geographies of Good Living are not distant utopias, but concrete spatial practices detailed in the Platform as signs of economic, cultural, and community resistance, which is intrinsically intersectional and operated from their existences, challenges, knowledge, and practices. The daily lives of these women, from which the struggle originates, are a defense strategy (Hernández, 2023) for themselves and their worlds, based on a pedagogy of care - the amor mundi of which Arendt (2014) spoke - not essentialized here to the feminine, but as a counter-colonial practice, an offensive for the preservation of what the agrocapitalist/(neo)extractive project attempts to erase, the contemporary face of a historical continuum. The document states:
Our banners of struggle and proposals seek not only to address the needs and demands of women from the countryside, the forest, and the waterways, although they are the originators and protagonists of the initiatives expressed here, but rather of all Brazilian society. (...) We believe that the majority of people in our country can benefit from and be included in the project that is being developed from this Platform, therefore we call upon all those who do not accept the disastrous consequences for Brazilian society resulting from the antidemocratic measures taken by the current government to join us who, peacefully and on the march, are affirming that a new Brazil is possible (March of the Daisies, 2019, p. 38).
This expression is coupled with an invitation to everyone, and we extend it to you, the reader. We reaffirm our certainty that utopia is the way: a new Brazil is possible, and for it, the March and the Brazilian rural women in struggle continue until we are all free.
Final Considerations
The March of the Daisies stems from a locus of enunciation that questions the position of rural women in the modern/colonial world system and the racial, class, and gender hierarchies over their bodies-territories. This action-movement holds an epistemological privilege that elaborates sophisticated knowledge and counter-colonial practices from a subaltern and feminist perspective.
Studying the actions of the Daisies does not only mean encountering resistance to the effects of colonial, patriarchal, and capitalist domination, but also knowing and disseminating various actions, agendas, and voices of those who fight against invisibility, racism, sexism, and inequality.
From a gradual construction matured throughout its editions, the foundations of a decolonial feminism, ecofeminism, community feminism, and ecoterritorial feminism are identified in the demands, and especially in its Political Platform. These concepts underpin a Brazilian rural feminism engaged against violations of women's bodies-territories, resulting from the articulation between racialization, colonization, (agro)capitalist exploitation, and the heterosexual norm.
It is concluded that through a Geography of Good Living, Brazilian rural women - and in Abya Yala - reframe the struggle for their bodies-territories as a defense of their own lives and Nature, by integrating care and interdependence as central axes of a new societal project. The memory of Margarida Maria Alves remains alive and drives the courage of these women in the exercise of "caring for the world" and in pursuit of a good life for all people.
-
3
Mignolo (2011) calls the subjugation of the knowledge of the populations of the invaded territories, in opposition to the overvaluation of Western and European knowledge, the "geopolitics of knowledge." Sueli Carneiro (2005) defines this process as epistemicide.
Acknowledgements
to CAPES and FAPESQ - Paraíba Without Borders Program
Data availability:
The research data is available in the body of the article.
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Editor:
Altemar Amaral Rocha
