ABSTRACT
This study aimed to discuss the physical availability and affordability of water supply services (WSS) for households in Brazilian capitals. The database from the Brazilian National Household Sample Survey, conducted by the Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics in 2022, was used. The findings reveal significant regional disparities, particularly highlighting that households headed by women and non-white individuals are disproportionately excluded from physical water connections. Additionally, a significant proportion of beneficiaries of cash transfer programs lack access to water through WSS. Approximately 16% of households connected to water services allocate more than 3% of their effective family income to WSS. Regression modeling of the survey’s microdata at the household aggregate level confirms that female-headed households are more likely to face affordability problems. The conclusions guide regulators and policymakers in achieving universal water access goals and promoting the human right to water.
Keywords:
equity; water poverty; water tariffs
RESUMO
Este trabalho teve como objetivo contribuir para a discussão sobre disponibilidade física e acessibilidade econômica dos serviços de abastecimento de água (SAA) para residências localizadas em capitais brasileiras. A base de dados utilizada foi a Pesquisa Nacional por Amostra de Domicílios Contínua realizada pelo Instituto Brasileiro de Geografia e Estatística, referente ao ano de 2022. Disparidades entre regiões foram perceptíveis e famílias chefiadas por mulheres e pessoas não brancas foram as majoritariamente excluídas quanto à conexão física. Parcela significativa de beneficiários de programas de transferência de renda também foi excluída do acesso à água por meio de rede geral. Das famílias conectadas em capitais brasileiras, 16% compromete mais de 3% da renda familiar efetiva com SAA. Por meio da modelação de regressão dos microdados da pesquisa, utilizada a escala do agregado familiar, foi confirmado que famílias chefiadas por mulheres têm maior chance de problemas de acessibilidade econômica. Mesmo com as limitações quanto às bases da pesquisa de renda utilizada, visto que não é específica para os objetivos do trabalho conduzido, ela mostrou-se relevante e oportunizou a coleta de dados, podendo auxiliar o acompanhamento de metas de universalização e de realização do direito humano à água por reguladores e formuladores de políticas.
Palavras-chave:
equidade; pobreza hídrica; tarifa de água
INTRODUCTION
Access to safe drinking water is widely regarded as an essential public service. The lack of safe access to drinking water affects 27.5% of the global population, while approximately 44% do not have safe access to sanitation (UNESCO, 2024). In 2019, an estimated 1,401,000 deaths were attributed to gaps in access to drinking water, sanitation, and hygiene, with causes including diarrhea, acute respiratory infections, malnutrition, and soil-transmitted helminthiasis. Of these, 273,000 diarrhea-related deaths occurred among children under five, due to unsafe water and sanitation services, while 112,000 deaths were linked to respiratory infections caused by inadequate hygiene. At least 69% of diarrhea cases, 14% of acute respiratory infections, 10% of acute malnutrition, and 100% of the soil-transmitted helminthiasis burden were assumed to be avoidable and preventable through access to safe drinking water, sanitation, and hygiene (Wolf et al., 2023).
Brazil had a population of 202,8 million in 2022, with 83.8% of residents receiving water from a public distribution network as their primary source of supply (IBGE, 2022a). Among the country’s regions, the Southeast had the highest coverage, with 91.0% of residents connected to the network, while the North and Northeast regions had coverage rates of 55.7% and 76.3%, respectively. Regarding sewage collection, only 62.5% of the total Brazilian population had access to this service. In the North region, only 22.8% of the population had their sewage collected through the public network, while the Southeast region had the highest coverage in the country, reaching 86.2% of residents (IBGE, 2022a).
Ensuring access to safe drinking water and sanitation services is crucial to preventing avoidable deaths, particularly those caused by waterborne diseases. Both water and sanitation were explicitly and formally recognized as human rights in United Nations Resolution N° 64/292 (UN, 2010). Providing safe drinking water has significant political and social implications, including improvements in living conditions, reductions in infant mortality, prevention of diseases and health issues, promotion of regional development, reductions in absenteeism, and overall enhancements in education, productivity, and labor capacity.
UN General Comment N° 15 states that the human right to water comprises sufficiency, safety, acceptability, physical accessibility, and affordability for personal and domestic use. The principle of affordability addresses the costs and fees involved in obtaining water, facilities, and services, emphasizing that these should not undermine the fulfillment of other rights for individuals and communities (UN, 2002).
In the analysis of affordability, the commonly adopted threshold for household income commitment to water supply services (WSS) is 3% (Fitch; Price, 2002; García-Valiñas; Martínez-Espiñeira; González-Gómez, 2010; Reynaud, 2010; Vanhille, 2018). This metric was also adopted by Martins et al. (2016) for water supply and sewage services and is recommended by the United Nations Development Program (UNDP) and the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD), considering the lowest decile of household income (OECD, 2003; UNDP, 2006). Despite some criticism (Teodoro, 2018), this metric provides a useful benchmark for assessing the reasonableness of water pricing when using census or economic surveys, which, although not typical, hold potential for application in sanitation.
The average use of WSS includes watering gardens and supplying swimming pools, which are not part of essential needs like drinking water or domestic hygiene. Consequently, a limit of 10 m³ per month per household was used as the reference volume for pricing. This volume is the minimum adopted by 60% of WSS providers operating in Brazilian capitals.
This study focuses on the physical availability and affordability of WSS in Brazil, a service usually offered to the population through public or private systems, access to which depends on payment of a tariff. Regarding physical availability, the aim is to identify patterns of disparity based on the socio-economic characteristics of the head of the household (HOH).
DATA AND METHODS
The analyses conducted in this study relied on the 2022 database from the Brazilian National Household Sample Survey (PNAD Contínua). The main objective of this survey is to explore the economic and social characteristics of the population, such as the labor market, education, income, and the characteristics of the residents (IBGE, 2022b). This study analyzes data from 26 Brazilian capitals, plus the federal capital, Brasília, specifically in urban areas.
The data include location (state, capital, urban area), sociodemographic characteristics of the household reference person (gender, race/ethnicity, highest level of education attained), effective household income, housing tenure (own, rented, provided, or other), housing characteristics (primary water supply method used), and participation in income transfer programs such as Bolsa Família, Benefício da Prestação Continuada (BPC), or others. The number of children (under 12 years old) and elderly individuals (over 60 years old) per household was determined, considering the age of each resident and excluding people who do not belong to the household (non-relatives who do not share expenses; pensioners; domestic workers and their relatives). A threshold was established for water tariffs, set at up to 3% of effective household income, to measure water poverty. Households with income below this threshold were assigned a value of 1, indicating water affordability problems.
The income commitment was evaluated based on the water consumption volume of 10 m³ in 2022. This volume was defined as the minimum or “lifeline” volume to meet a family’s basic needs. A 10 m³ volume corresponds to a daily consumption of 83 liters per person for a family of four, and it has been adopted as the minimum or lifeline volume by the local service providers considered in this study (Table 1). This volume may be fully charged (regardless of actual consumption) or billed according to actual usage, depending on the water supply company.
Data on water tariffs come from service providers’ official websites. Some companies charge a connection fee to the water supply system, and in such cases, this fee is added to the cost of the water volume to determine the total price. This study considered only the standard residential tariff structure, excluding the category of Social Tariff usually charged to economically vulnerable households.
Affordability based on median income for essential water needs
When the household income commitment was higher than 3%, the household analyzed had affordability problems for water consumption. To characterize affordability in each of the study’s capital cities, the median local income was considered (Equation 1).
An extension of the analysis included water bill prices for the 20th percentile (Equation 2), following the approach of Van Abs, Evans, and Irby (2021) and Raucher, Rothstein, and Mastracchio (2019). This was based on the premise that it is unlikely for individuals with median or average income to face affordability issues, except if the population considered faces serious economic fragility.
Characterization of the physical availability of the water supply network and classification of households according to affordability
The particularities of households with physical availability problems were surveyed using descriptive statistics. Subsequently, a binary logistic regression was carried out to evaluate the socio-economic characteristics of the HOH facing affordability problems, as developed in Martins et al. (2016). The model estimates the probability that a HOH commits more than 3% of its income (the metric used in this research) to water tariffs; i.e., being water-poor is the dependent variable. An income threshold was defined for each capital using the price for 10 m3 per month in the locality. Therefore, the probability of a household was 1, (affordability problem) when the income was below the threshold adopted in the locality, or 0 (no affordability problem) otherwise. Logistic regression is a statistical technique used to classify problems when the response variable is dichotomous. In this study, the technique was interpreted using the odds ratio, i.e., the chance of a qualitative event occurring in each group in relation to the other due to the factors analyzed (explanatory variables).
RESULTS AND DISCUSSION
In 2022, most households (85%) in Brazil had access to a public water supply. The population is largely urban, with only 13% of households situated in rural areas. There is no public water supply coverage in 7% of urban households and 68% of rural households. In the urban areas of Brazil’s capitals, where 25% of the total number of households (50,859,167 people) are located, these gaps are smaller compared to the national averages, with 95% of households connected to the public water supply network.
Although the perception of public network coverage in Brazilian capitals is positive, regional disparities persist. Capitals in the North and Northeast regions show larger gaps, both in the percentage of households with access and in the absolute number of households without access to the water supply network (Figure 1a). The capitals with the smallest gaps in public water supply coverage include Porto Alegre, Palmas, São Paulo, Aracaju, Vitória, Belo Horizonte, Brasília, Boa Vista, Goiânia, Rio de Janeiro, João Pessoa, and Campo Grande, all with at least 98% of households served by WSS (Figure 1b). Curitiba and Natal are notable for having 100% of households connected. In Rio de Janeiro, despite a low percentage of households without access to the supply network, the absolute number of such households is similar to that of Rio Branco. Among households without access to the public network, the most common water sources are artesian wells (83.2%) or cisterns (11.5%). Table 2 shows the profile of the HOH (both connected and not connected) across different regions of Brazil. The most notable racial disparities were observed in the Southeast, where a higher percentage of non-white men and women lacked piped water connection, and in the Midwest for non-white men. Nationwide, nearly 74% of the population without access to WSS consists of non-white men and women, despite these groups collectively representing 56.2% of the HOH in Brazil.
Absolute numbers and percentages of households not connected to water supply services in (a) all Brazilian capitals and (b) those with a service deficit of less than 4% and fewer than 40,000 households.
The socio-economic profile of the HOH in the general population (connected and non-connected) is specified by region and for Brazil in Table 2. The most prominent differences occurred in the Southeast, with higher percentages of non-white men and women outside the general supply network, and in the Midwest only for non-white men. Nationwide, almost 74% of the population outside the water supply network consists of non-white men and women, despite collectively representing 56.2% of the responsibility for Brazilian households.
Regarding participation in income transfer programs, lower-income individuals are excluded from access to WSS. In the North, 21% of the population benefiting from social programs lacks a piped water connection. This exclusion gap persists across all regions, except the South. As a result, part of the population does not receive the benefit of the Social Tariff, which is designed to support the most vulnerable groups. For subsidies to be progressive, i.e., to reach the vulnerable population more than the general population, families need to have access to and consume the subsidized good (Angel-Urdiola; Wodon, 2007).
When the population is deprived of WSS, water is obtained through more expensive ways, with no regulation or quality assurance. For example, trucked water proves to be more costly for the population compared to piped water (Ochungo et al., 2019; Beard; Mitlin, 2021; Zozmann, 2022). As for the use of groundwater by populations not served by WSS, most of the wells in Brazil are irregular (Conicelli et al., 2021), leading to issues of contamination from anthropogenic activities, especially in areas with deficits in sewage treatment services (Hirata; Suhogusoff, 2019). This includes the prevalent fecal contamination observed in wells compared to water provided through WSS in a study by Santos et al. (2023).
Table 3 reveals the commitment of both median household income and the 20th income percentile to the local tariff for the consumption of 10 m³. The income commitment for the 20th income percentile ranged from 1.94 to 8.41%, surpassing the adopted threshold in 78% of the capitals. For the median income, this commitment ranged from 1.45 to 5.32%, being higher than the metric adopted in this study in eight of the 27 capitals analyzed. In four capitals, the commitment is very close to the threshold adopted, leading to a total of 12 capitals (around 45% of the capitals) being in a delicate situation regarding economic access to water.
In the North, the highest water tariff for a volume of 10 m3 was observed in Palmas. However, this locality has the highest median income among the capitals in its group, so the expenditure on water by the median income and the 20th income percentile did not stand out as it did in Manaus and Belém, where the median income is lower. In Rio Branco and Boa Vista, income commitment was below 3%, even for accessibility of the 20th percentile, due to lower local tariffs. In the Northeast, the high-income commitment percentages in Maceió were a result of both the higher water tariff and lower median incomes. This capital has the highest number of families with affordability issues among all the Brazilian capitals (Figure 2). In the Southeast, affordability issues are most evident in Rio de Janeiro. Notably, the price for 10 m³ of water is the same as for 15 m³, the minimum volume set by the local service provider. In the Midwest Region, Campo Grande and Goiânia face the greatest difficulties regarding the water tariff burden on the population, despite having higher median incomes compared to other areas.
As shown in Figure 2, on average, 16% exceed the 3% income commitment threshold for water tariffs. The highest and lowest percentages of families experiencing economic accessibility issues are in the Northeast and South Regions, respectively, with 25% and 10% of households in each region. Among economically water-poor HOH, 63% are women, and 69% are non-white. Even though these households are enrolled in social income transfer programs like Bolsa Família, BPC, or others, 23% still spend more than 3% of their income on water tariffs. Approximately 18% of water-poor households have a per capita income below R$ 665 per month, the poverty line established by the World Bank in 2022.
The commitment of household income beyond the 3% threshold is shown in Figure 3. Despite different tariffs and income levels, the capitals in the North and South Regions exhibit similar levels of affordability. More pronounced disparities were seen in places where the tariff is higher, such as Goiânia and Rio de Janeiro. In the capitals, 5 to 10% of the population have a significant proportion of their income compromised. This issue arises because of the prevalent low-income patterns. Table 4 shows the variables used to characterize HOHs living in Brazilian capitals and facing affordability problems in obtaining 10 m³ of water per month. These variables include region of residence, socioeconomic characteristics, the presence of children and elderly individuals in the household, and the ownership status of the residence. In general, the tariffs charged in the North were lower than those charged in most of the other regions, and this contributed to higher odds of facing water poverty in all locations, except for the South Region, where there was no statistical significance. Although the North Region has the lowest water supply tariffs in comparison to other locations in this study, it also faces the largest gaps in physical availability.
Percentage of household and family income spent on water supply services in capital cities
Families whose reference person is a woman are 1.61 times more likely to face affordability problems than households where the reference person is a man. Additionally, families with a non-white reference person are 1.26 times more likely to be in water poverty. Education level plays a crucial role in safeguarding families. Reference persons with no formal education or up to one year of schooling are nearly ten times more likely to face water poverty compared to people who have completed higher education.
Families with children or one elderly person are less exposed to affordability problems in this study. Each additional child reduced the likelihood of water poverty by 16%, while the addition of one elderly person reduced affordability problems by 34%. So, in the sample, the proportion of children was 3.5 times higher, and the proportion of elderly people was 7.4 times higher in households without water poverty than in those where these problems occur. Regarding housing ownership, statistical significance for water poverty was observed only in families living in housing provided by relatives or employers. In this condition, the likelihood of affordability problems was 1.75 times higher than for families living in their own homes, regardless of whether the homes were paid off or not. The sociodemographic profile of the population without access to WSS indicated that large population groups, unfortunately underrepresented, such as women and non-white people, are disproportionately affected by the lack of access to WSS.
Globally, the lack of access to water predominantly impacts women. Women and girls are often responsible for collecting water to serve the household’s sanitation and hygiene facilities (Heller, 2022). Providing water to households where women are the primary HOH directly supports the objectives of SDG 5, which seeks to achieve gender equality and empower women and girls.
This study found that families benefiting from income transfer programs were excluded from WSS, preventing them from accessing tariff subsidies - financial tools designed to improve accessibility for disadvantaged populations. As a result, those targeted by policies such as the WSS social tariffs have been deprived of their human right to water at lower prices. To meet their needs, these populations primarily relied on alternative water sources, with 76.1% using artesian wells and 16.3% depending on shallow wells or rainwater cisterns. In other words, low-income families were forced to allocate their already limited resources to secure water from these alternative sources.
The survey used to obtain these results, PNAD Contínua, takes place annually, and part of the information is released monthly, quarterly, or annually. This is an advantage over other surveys commonly used in sanitation research, such as the national census, whose data are released every 10 years. For studies on economic accessibility, particularly those using income as a metric, PNAD Contínua provides extensive data that can help regulators and sanitation companies better understand the target population for their services, including local poverty levels. Monitoring the impoverishment of the population is necessary and requires attention from service providers in times of economic crises, because many families can fail to make their payments of WSS tariffs. Therefore, it is essential to implement social measures to establish affordable tariffs for vulnerable groups and ensure continued service provision.
However, there are some limitations in the use of the PNAD Contínua database for this research on household water tariffs, given that there is no information available to identify private household water connections. Additionally, information about individual municipalities is aggregated when included as capitals, Metropolitan Regions (MR), or Integrated Administrative Regions of Development (RIDEs). It is likely that information about water economic affordability in individual municipalities is less favorable than the data expressed in the aggregated information concerning capitals, MR, or RIDEs.
Another important issue related to PNAD Contínua is the difficulty of identifying water and sanitation data related to many vulnerable groups, such as homeless people and those living in slums or other informal urban communities. Therefore, it is important to note these limitations when analyzing results and data on water access affordability. Even with very conservative estimates, the results in the present study were significant and show persistent inequalities between regions and social groups.
The adoption of 10 m3 as the minimum consumption volume is a usual practice in all Brazilian regions, particularly in the North and Northeast, where the median household income in the capitals was typically lower than in other capitals. Charging a minimum consumption volume generates stable and predictable revenue for providers, without encouraging users to rationalize consumption. Providers do not consider that there may be a failure to meet their social objectives by imposing a greater burden than is fair on the most vulnerable population. For instance, CAESB, a provider operating in the Brazilian capital, restructured its tariffs in 2020, and consumers no longer had to pay for the minimum volume of 10 m3 per month. They now pay the connection fee plus actual consumption. With this change, at least 59% of the households served by CAESB faced WSS price reduction, given they consumed up to 7 m3 per month.
Economic and social objectives associated with water tariff structures must be clear and not conflicting to prioritize payment for the actual consumption of water supplies. Payment of WSS tariffs represents a significant effort for lower-income populations, even in the lifeline volume. If the population cannot afford the price of the services, the provider itself will suffer the economic effects of default.
The affordability issues identified in this study stem from the unequal distribution of income across populations, and income is the result of macro factors. In a country as large and diverse as Brazil, with distinct local characteristics, can a single threshold or metric truly be defined? How can the right to water and sanitation services be guaranteed, given the disparities in living costs, water and labor availability, as well as different climatic factors? Is there a universal standard for what constitutes a fair economic burden? Clearly, there is no one-size-fits-all answer or figure that can determine what is or isn’t affordable. The answers are context-specific, shaped by cultural, social, and economic factors. As such, these issues must be continuously monitored and reassessed to ensure that no population is deprived of an essential element of life. Managing water as a human right is a perspective that requires attention and implementation. There is no single volumetric water limit, given the differences in economic situations, customs, localities (climate), and family structures.
The findings of this research emphasize the need to establish clear priorities and develop strategies tailored to the specific contexts in which policymakers and WSS regulators operate, keeping performance targets under constant monitoring and review. This work has shown that the lack of access persists and is not just physical. While many areas are progressing toward universal access through the public water supply network, others continue to rely heavily on alternative water sources. Affordability, in both cases, must be considered.
To guarantee a progressive water tariff structure, the physical availability and economic accessibility of WSS must increase, especially for vulnerable populations compared to the general population. Thus, Brazil needs to advance physical access to WSS so that all consumers can have safe access to water, following the concept of a human right. Public policies focused on WSS universalization should reduce the cost of exclusion by providing water to those who cannot afford it. This involves recognizing and incorporating water as a public right, in addition to specifically allocating resources to prioritize the connection of disadvantaged groups or areas.
In addition to overcoming infrastructure and connection deficits, economic accessibility needs to be raised in political debates, and operators, whether water or water and sewage, need to consider the (in)ability of users to pay for their services. For some social groups, any amount paid for drinking water implies a major budget effort, and it is necessary to provide essential volumes of water to those who cannot afford it. These are different contexts that must be addressed by sanitation service regulators, and their perceptions must be broadened.
CONCLUSIONS
This study explored both the physical availability and affordability of WSS in the urban areas of Brazilian capital cities. The disparity in access remains particularly pronounced in the North and Northeast regions. When examining connection rates in these areas, it becomes clear that minority groups (in terms of representation) face significant challenges in accessing piped water. Women and non-white individuals account for nearly three-quarters of those responsible for households in marginalized communities, despite being responsible for just over half of all households. A notable proportion of participants in income transfer programs also lack access to WSS, especially in the North Region.
A significant portion of the population, including homeless individuals, is not captured by the research methodology used for data collection. Despite using conservative estimates, the results remain significant, revealing persistent inequalities across regions and social groups. These findings highlight the urgent need for policies that prioritize specific groups in terms of WSS and emphasize the importance of reducing connection costs, promoting the supply of water to those who cannot afford it.
The affordability assessment showed that both the 20th income percentile and the median-income households make significant budget efforts to access WSS. In all areas of the study, households headed by women are more likely to face problems of physical availability and affordability. This finding, aligned with marginalized families headed by non-whites and beneficiaries of public policies, highlights an important area for future research that should explore and develop public policies to ensure water and sanitation as human rights.
Among the issues to be improved in future work, there is plenty of room to discuss economic accessibility. In this study, we considered the 3% income commitment as the basic threshold. In addition, there is a need to assess the socioeconomic effects of implementing the Social Water and Sewage Tariff, established by Brazilian Law N° 14,898. Measures targeting certain price levels may not be enough to help the most vulnerable population. Within this population, there are significant differences in income, with some people having no resources whatsoever to pay for WSS.
There are also elements to analyze the distribution of water subsidies, both between the residential and non-residential classes of customers served by WSS providers, and among different locations, in situations where a regionalized service is in place.
DATA AVAILABILITY STATEMENT
The datasets generated and/or analyzed during the current study are available from the corresponding author upon.
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Edited by
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Editor:
Paulo Sérgio Scalize, Universidade Federal de Goiás, Goiânia, Goiás/GO, Brasil https://orcid.org/0000-0002-0833-7826.




Source: Authors (2025).
Source: Authors (2025).
Source: Authors (2025).